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N THE CUSTODY Or THE
BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY.
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THE JUST LIMITATION of SLAVERY
I N T H E
LAWS OF GOD,
COMPARED WITH
The unbounded Claims of the Africak Traders and British American Slaveholders.
By GRANVILLE SHARP.
With a copious APPENDIX:
CONTAINING,
An Anfwer to the Rev. Mr. Thompfon's Tracl m favour of the ^Jrican Slave Trade. — Letters con- cerning the lineal Defcent of the Negroes from the Sons of Ham. — The Spanifii Regulations for the gradual Enfranchifement of Slaves. — ^APropofal on the fame Principles for the gradual Enfran- chifement of Slaves iVi America. — Reports of De- ccrminations in the feveral Courts of luKVi AGAINST Slavery, &c.
---Take av/ay your Exa61:ions from my People, saith THE Lord God J. Ezekiel xlv. 9.
L O N D O N V
ri-mte4 for B, White, in Fleet-Street, and E. and C. DiLLY, in the Poultry.
M. DCC-LSXvl.
>^-VJAM^\\,lJf
I
1 J
TRACT
I' H E
Juft Limitation of Slavery*
THE opinion of the lords Hard wick and Talbot, which I laboured to refute in my Trad againft Slavery in En-^ gland {i)y (printed in 1769,) has fince been effedtually fet afide by a clear deter- mination, in the Court of King*s-Bench (2), in favour oiyariies Somerfett^ a Ne^ groy againft his former Mafter, C****** 5**'^***, efq, in the year 177 z*
B But
(i) A Reprefentation of the Injuftice and dangerous Tendency of tolerating Slavery in England*
(2) See Appendix*
E 2 1
But it is not enough, that the Laws of England exclude Slavery xncrt\yfro?72 this- ijlandy whilft the grand Enemy of man- kind triumphs in a toleration, throughout our CoknieSy of the moft monftrous op^ preffion to which human nature can be fubjededl
And yet this abominable wickednefe has not wanted advocates, who, in a va- riety of late publications, have attempted to palliate the guilt, and have even ven- tured to appeal to Scripture for the fup- port of their uncharitable pretenfions : fo that I am laid under a double obliga- tion to anfwer them, becaufe it is not the caufe of Liberty alone for which I now contend, but for that which I have ftill much more at heart, the honour of the holy Scriptures, the principles of which are entirely oppofite to the felfifh and
uncharitable
t 3 3
uncharitable pretenfions of our American Slaveholders and African Traders.
A late anonymous writer, who calls himfelf " An African Merchdnt^' re- marks, that, — '^ By the Law of Mofes, " the Ifraelites might purchafe Slaves " from the Heathens, and even their **^ own people might become Slaves to " their brethren." A Treatife on the Oracle from Great-Brifain to Africa ^ &c» iy an African Merchant. P,%andg.
Now, with refped to the firft part of his obfervation, it is true, indeed, that the Ifraelites were expreilly permitted to keep Bond-Servants, or Slaves, **ofthe ** Heathen^ (or, more properly, of the ** Natio7ls't:y^^^T^) that were round abouf thenty and of ** the children of the ftran- " gers that fojourned among" them. (Levit, XXV. 44 to 46.) But we muft re- member^ that thefe Heathen^ or " Na^
B 2 " tmts
[ 4 ]
^^ tions that were round about them^' were an abandoned race of people, already Slaves and worjhippers of devils, and by them led to debafe human nature^ and to pollute themfelves with the moft un^ natural and abominable vices : '* For in ** all thefe," (faid the Almighty,) '' the *^ nations are defiled which I caft out ** before you : and the Land is defiled j " THEREFORE I do vifit the iniquity • ' thereof upon it, and the land itfelf vo- " miteth out her inhabitants,"©*^. Again; " For all thefe abominations have " the men of the land done which *^ were before you, and the land is defi- ** led," ^c. See Levit. xviii. And the ** children of the Jirangers^^ abovemen- tioned, were (probably) alfo of the fame deteftable nations of Paleftine, the Amo- rites, Canaanites, ^c. which were ex- preflly doomed to deftrucSion (3), and
that
(3) ** Obferve thou that which I command thee «* this day : behold, I drive out before thee the Amo-
«* rite.
[ 5 ]
that by the hand of the Ifraelites, ^ho were commanded to Jhew them no fity (4).
But no dodlrine muft be drawn from thefe commands to execute God's vengeance upon the faid WicktdiJIr anger Sy without con fide ring, at the fame time, that very coiitrary treatment of fir angers which was equally enjoined in the Law : for the Ifraelites were pofitively commanded not to vex or opprefs a Stranger. " l^hou
'' fioalt
*' rite, and the Canaanite, and the Hittite, and the *' Perizzite, and the Kivite, and the Jebufite. Take ** heed to thyfelf, left thou make a covenant with the ** inhabitants of the land whither thou goeft, left it be ** for a fnare in the midft of thee," l^c, Exod. xxxiv. II and 12.
(4) " And thou ihalt confume all the people which *' the Lord thy God Ihall deliver thee : thine eye ftiall " h?i\Q no pity upon themy^^ i:^c> Deut. vii. i6. " The *^ Lord thy God will put out thofe nations by little and ** little," ^<r. " The Lord thy God ihall deliver *^ them unto thee, and ftiall deftroy them with a migh- ** ty deftruclion until they be deftroyed. And he ftiall ** deliver their kings into thine hand, and thou ftialt ** deftroy their name from under heaven : there ftiall ** no man be able to ftand before thee until thou have !* deftrpyed them.'* Deut. vii. 23 and 24.
I 6 ]
^* P:ak love him as thyfelf,'' faid Mofes, by the exprefs command of God. " If a ^* Stranger fojourn with thee in your ** land, ye fiall not ve$c' (or opprefs) " him. But the Stranger that dvvelleth ^^ with you fhall be unto you as one born among you, and thou Jhalt lov^ him as thyjelf : for ye were Strangers in the *' land of Egypt." Levit. xix. 33. 34, And again ; *^ The Lord your God is *' God of gods and Lord of lords, a great ** God, a mighty and a terriblcj which '* regardeth not per Jons nor taketh reward : " he doth execute the judgement of the *^ fatherlefs and widow, and lovetb the " Stra-nger^ in giving him food and rai- *' ment. Love ye^ therefore, the Stran^ *' ^^r s for ye were Strangers in the land *' of Egypt." Deut.x, 1710 19. In all thefe paffages, and many others, the If- raelites were reminded of their Bondage in Egypt: for fo the almighty Deli- verer from Slavery warned his people
to
[ 7 ]
to limit and moderate the hondci^ey whkfi- the Law permitted, by the remembrarice of their own farmer bondage in a foreiga land, and by a remembrance alfo of his great mercy in delivering them from that bondage : and he exprefHy referred them to their own feelings^ as they themfelves had experienced the intolerable yoke of Egyptian Tyranny I " Thou flialt not opprefs a Stranger ; for ye know the heart of a firanger^ feeing ye were Jirangers in the land of Egypt." Exod. sxiii. 9. And again : *' Thou ftak ** remember that thoti waft a Bond-man " in the land of Egypt, and the Lord thy
** God redeemed thee'^ Deut. xv. 15.
•
We muft, therefore, neceiTarily con- elude, v/hen thefe very oppofite com- mands are coniidered, that the Heathen^ or nations that were *' round about,*' or in the environs of the promifed land^ and alfo the children ff the Jirangers^ that
dwelt
r 8 J
dwelt among them, mentioned at the fame time, whom the Ifraelites were per- mitted to retain in perpetual bondage^ were not intended to be included and ranked under that general denomination of Strangef's, to whom fo much real af-^ feBioriy benevolence ^ and conjiderationy are ftridlly commanded, in the texts to which I have juft now referred. And, confequently, it muft be allowed, that the particular nations, (the feven nations of Paleftine, fee Deut. vii. i.) which were expreflly devoted to deftrudion, were the only Strangers whom the Jews were permitted to hold in abfolufe Slavery \ fo that the wicked pradice of enjlaving the poor African Negroes would have been as unlawful^ under the Jewifh Difpenfation, as it certainly is, now a-days, to Engliflimen, and other fub- jedls of Great-Britain, that profefs the ChriJIian Religion -^ in whofe conjideration^ ALL STRANGERS, from every
other
r 9 ]
Other part of the world, are, without doubt, entitled to be ranked, efteemed, and beloved, as brethren^ which I hive elfewhere particularly demonftrated; and which even the law of Mofes expreffly coaimanded : — '* ^wtthe firanger^ that " dv/elleth with you, ihall be unto you as " one born amoJig you, and THOU '' SHALT LOVE HiM AS THY- *' SELF ; for ye were Jira?2gers in the " land of Egypt : I am the Lord your " God." Levit. xix* 33 and 34.
This excellent fyftem of benevolence to Jlrangers, v^hich the Ifraelites were fo ftri(flly enjoined to obferve, cannot, I ap* prehend, be otherwife reconciled with the permiffion to the Ifraelites of retaining in perpetual bondage the heathen that "were round about them, and the children oi the Jirangers that fojourned among them : for, if this permiffion were to be ex- tended to Jirangers in general^ it would
C fubvert
[ 10 ]
fabvert the exprefs command concerning brotherly love due to Jir angers-, becaufe a man cannot be fald to love the jlr anger as hm/e/f if he holds thejirangersind his pro- geny in a perpetual involuntary fervitude. The obfervation therefore of the African Merchant, that" the Israelites might ^* purchafe Slaves from the heathens^' will by no means juftify the cnflaving oi mo- dern heathens^ by EngUfimen^ or by any other nation now fubiifting. The Ifrael- ites, at that time, might not only purchafe Slaves of thofe particular heathen nations, but they might alfo drive out thfje hea^ then-y (I mean, thefe which were particu- larly named j) nay, even ^///( 5) and ^x- tirpate them, and take pojfejjion of their ci- ties, hoifes, and lands*. All thefe ads of violence might ^^ Ifraelites do without fin, though the like would juftly be efteemed
murder
(5) '■^ But of the cities of thefe people, which the ** Lord thy God doth give thee for an inheritance, ** "CnQxxJhah fa^Ji ali-ve nothing that hreatheth" Dfut. XX. 16.
[ II 3
murder and robbery^ if pradlifed by any other nation, not under the like peculiar eircumftances : fo that the example of the Ifraelites affords no excufe for the uncha- ritable practices of the African Merchant and WeJl'India Planter! The Ifraelites had an exprefs commiffion (6) to execute God*s v^ngQ^ncQ^without remo?Je{j)^upon feveral populous nations, which had ren- dered themfelves abominably in the fight of
G 2 God^
(.6) " Now, therefore, kill every male among the ** little ones, and kill every woman that hath known " man by lying with him." Numbers xxxi. 17. This was the judgement againft the Midianitiih prifoners. The, feven nations of Paleftine were likewife fubjedled to the fame condemnation, " Thou flialt fmite them ** and utterly dellroy them : thou {halt make no cove- " nant with them, ncr Jhenu mercy unto ihs'in.^^ Deut. vii. 2. And a reafon for this condemnation was plain- ly delivered in the fourth verfe, to confirm the juftice of it : " For they will turn away thy fon from follow- ** ing me, that they may ferve other gods."
The Amalekites were alfo doomed to dellruftlon in the like manner : *' Thou fhalt blot out the rttnemhrance *' of Amalek from under hea'ven ; thou Jhalt not forget it». Deut. XXV. 19.
(7) " And thou fhalt confume all ths people which " the Lord thy God fhali deliver thee ; thine eye " fhall have z?ff///>' upon them. Deut. vii. 16,
[ 12 ]
God, and therefore deferved no confider- ation ; fo that even mercy, in the Ifraelites, was a fin (8), when it interfered with this pofitive comniand of God !
The commiffion there given, however, was but temporary j and no other nation,
except
(8) "Butjifyewillnotdrive out the inhabitants of the *' land from before you, then it fhall come topafs, that *' thofe, which ye let remain of them, fliall be pricks in '* your eyes and thorns in your fides, and Ihall vex you << in the land wherein ye dwell. Moreover, it fhall ** come to pafs, xh.2X I Jhall do unto you as 1 thought to do *• unto themy Numb, xxxiii, 55 and 56. And the Ifraelites were exprefsly told, that it was not on their own account that this extraordinary authority was put into their hands, but on account of the ahominable njcick-* ednefs of thofe who pofieiTed the promifed land. — "The ** land is defiled ; therefore I do vifit the iniquity there- ** of upon it, and the land itfelf i;omiieth out her inhabit- .** ants,'''' Levit. xviii. 25.
** For all thefe abominations" (unnatural luHs, mentioned in the former part of the fame chapter) ** have the men of the land done which were before ** you J and the land is defiled." Levit. xviii. 27. And the Ifraelites were warned againfl: prefumption, leftfuch extraordinary authority fhould occafion fpiritual pride, <* Not for thy righteoufnefs, or for the uprightnefs of ** thine heart, acjl thou go to pofTefs the land, but for *^ the nvickedne/s cf thofe nations the Lord God doth drive '^^ tbtm cut frofn before thei,^'' CsJ'f. Deut, ix. 5,
[ 13 ]
ex'cept God's peculiar people, was char- ged with the execution of it ; and there- fore, though the Europeans have taken upon themfelves, for a long time paft, to attacky dejiroy^ drive oiity dijpojjefs^ and enjlave^ the poor ignorant Heathen^ in many diftant parts of the world, and may, perhaps, plead cuftom and prefcrip- tion (to their (hame be it faid) for their adlions, yet, as they cannot, like the If- raelites, produce an authentic written' commandment from God for fuch proceed- ings, the offenders can no otherwife be cfteemed than as lawkfs robbers and cp^ prejfors, who have reafon to expedl: afe-* vere retribution from God for their tyran- ny and oppreffion. It is unreafonable, therefore, to fuppofe that the fevere treat- ment of ihe ancient Heathen^ by the Ifra- clites, under the dijpenfation of the Law^ either in killi?2g^ ^'^fp^ff^ffi^g^ or enflaving^ them, fhould juftify our modern adls of
violence
- ' { H 1 '^jfdence and offre£im^ now tbat we profefs obedi-enee to the Gojpel cf Peace*
Aiid^ with refpeil to the fecood part ^f the African Merchant's obfervation, concerning the Ifraelltes^ i^'u/s;. that even '^ their ewn people might become Slaves ••^ to their brethren/') I muft remark^ that he does oat deal fairly by the Jevvifla LaWj tO' qu-ote that circorTiiflanGej with- cjut fucntioning, at the fame time^ ^^ the ** y^/? himltatiQu" to which it was foh- Jeft^ and the admirable provij5on> in the lame Law, againil the mvoIunUiry fervid iude gJ hretbirn-, becaafe no Hebrew could be made a Slave W'ithout his ozim €onjeni\ and even dejlrey which was to be ** plainly' and openly declared in a court of record : — " if the fervant fiiall plainly *^ ^/jj, I love my mailer^ my wife, and * *^ my children, / will not go out free^ then** (fays the text) *^ his mafter fliall bring
*^ him J/^^'/(? //^^ J^^^-^/ ^^* (whereby
an
.[ ^5 ] an acknowledgement in a coiirl xf re^ cordis plainly implied,) ." and his maflcr ** (hall bore his ear througfh with an ^\i\z ^^ and he Jiliall ferve him fur ever/' Exod, xxL 5. 6» But, without that f)MMk €zc- kmwledgem.efit of voluntary confent beftirt the Judges^ the Hebrew matter had Ba authority to bore the fervant*s ear (9) m token of bondage: and, in every ctlier cafe, it was dbfolutely milawfid for tlic If- raclite to hold a Brother Ifraelke in Sla- very I The Law expreffly declares, '* If ** thy Brother, {that dwellethj hy thee^ be *^ waxen poor, and be fold unto iheei thou ^^ /Joait not compel him to ferve as a ioni ^^ fervmii : (but) as an hired firvanti
'^ and
(9) Yetourinconfiderate Weft-Indian and Ajnerican Planters make no (crupk even of bmn/dng their pooir Negro-fervants with a hot iron, to mark thtm fer per- petual Bondmen , again/} tke'.r -will f though they are cer- tainly their Brethren u\ the eyes of God._ But Goo hath declared, exprr/sly, concerning the crimes of thefe inen, ixho enj!a-ue the poor^ — — *' SURELY, I ivill nC" ** ^er forget any of their ^varks t Shall not the land trem- *« hie for this!" &c./ &c./ Iffc/ Amo?, viii, 7, g. See alib the whole context, from the 4th verle.
[ 16 j
*^ and as a fojourner he Ihall be with *^ thee 5 (and) fhall ferve thee unto the ^' year of jubilee: and (then) fliall he- " depart from thee, (both) he ^/^J &j chil- " ^r^;/ with him ;'' S"^. (and the reafon of this command immediately follows j) '^ for they are my fervants" (faid the Lordj) " which I brought forth out of *' the land of Egypt:" (i.e. which God himjelf delivered fro?7i Slavery:) *' they *' Jloallnot he fold as Bond-men: thou {halt ** not rule over him with rigour, but ^^ fialt fear thy God.'' Levit, xxv. 39 to 43. And again, in the 55th verfe, " For u72to me' (faid the Lord) *' the ** children oi Ifrael are ferv ants ; they are " my fervantSy whom I brought out of " the land of Egypt: / am the Lord *' your God,'\
Thus it appears that the involuntary fervitude of brethren is entirely inconfift- ent with the Jewifh Law -, which, there- fore,
I J7 ]
fore, is fo far fvom jufiifyi?2g the African Merchant i that it abfolutely condemns him. But he is ftill more miftaken, when he infinuates that Slavery is not inconfiftent with the Gofpel. " Jefus Chrift, the " Saviour of mankind and Founder of " our religion," (fays he,) " left the *^' moral laws and civil rights of mankind " upon their old foundations : his king- " dom was not of this world, nor did he ^' interfere with national laws : he did ^^ not repeal that of Jlaves, nor affert an ** univerfal freedom, except from fin: ^' with him bond and free were accepted, *' if they behaved righteoitjlyr &c, p. 9.
But how can a man be faid to " behave ^^ righteoujly^' who fells his brethren^ or holds them in Slavery againjl their will? For, though, with Chrift, " bond'^xi&free ** are accepted," yet it behoves the Afri- can Merchant very diligently to examine, whether he is not likely to forfeit his own
D acceptance'^
E ^8 3
acceptance^ if he does not moft heartily repent of having enfiavedhis brethren, and of having encouraged others to the fame tincharitahle praBiceSy by nuifinterpreting the holy Scriptures.
Under the Gofpel DIfpenfation, all man^ kind are to be efteemed our brethren. Chrift commanded his difciples to go and teach (or make difciples of) all nations^ ** TTotvTcc TCL B^wi." Matth. xxviii. 19. So x]i2iXmen of all nations (who, indeed, v^ere brethren before, by natural defcent from one common jather) are nov^, undoubt- edly, capable of being doubly related to us, by 2^ farther tie of of brotherhood^ which the law of Mofes feemed to deny them, and of which the peculiar people of God (jealous of their own adoption) once thought them incapable; I mean, the ineftimable privilege of becoming fons, al- fo, to one almighty Father ^ by adoption^ as ^ell as the Jews, and, confequently, of
being
r 19 ]
being our brethren^ through Chriil:, by a fpiritual, as well as a natural^ relation- fliip.
The promifesof God, likev/lfe, in eve- ry other part of the New Teftameht, are made to all mankind in general^ 'with- out exception ; fo that a Negro, as well as any other man, is capable of becoming " an adopted fon of God\' zn^^ heir of God ** through Chrift'' (10); a " temple of the ^' Holy-Ghcf' (1 i)j ''an heir (12) of
D 2 " falva-
(10) — " that we might receive ^q adoption y Soks.** (faid the apoftle, to the Galatians;) " And, becaufe ** ye are Sons, God hath fent forth the fpirit of bis Son <« into your hearts, crying Abba, Father : wherefore ** thou art no more a/er<vantt but a Son ; and,- if a Sony *' then AN Heir of God through Christ.'' Galat. iv. 5. 6. and 7.
(11) " Know ye not that ye are the Temple of <* God, and that the Spirit of God dwelleth in you ? *« If any man defile the temple of God, him fhall God ** dellroy ; for the Temple of God is holy, which Tern- -*' pie ye are " I Corinth, iii. 16. 17. See alfo chap. vi, 19. 20,
(12) " That the Gentiles Ihould be fellow-heirs, ** and of the fame body, and partakers of his promife •« in Chrift by theGofpd:' Ephef. iii, 6.
[ 20 3
^ fahation ;" a partaker of the divine na- ture (13)5" 2l joint 'heir withChriJi ( 14) ; and capable, alfo, of being joined to that glorious company of Saints, who Ihall one day " come with him to judge the world ^^ for " the Saints Jhall judge the worlds* I Cor. vi. 2. 3. — And, therefore, how can any man, who calls himfelf a Chrif- tian, prefumeto retain, as a mere chattels or private property^ his fellow man and brother^ who is equally capable with- himfelf of attaining the high dignities abovementioned! Let Slaveholders be mindful of the approaching confumma- tion of all earthly things, when, perhaps, they will fee thoufands of thofe men, who were formerly efleemed mere chat^
teh
(13) — ** through the knowledge of him that hath ** called us to glory and 'virtue : whereby are given unto " us exceeding great and precious promifes j that by " thefe ye might be partakers oi t)iiQ divine nature*'^ l^c, 2 Pet. i. 3 and 4.
(14) " If children, then heirs ; heirs of God and <*' joint-heirs with Chriit ;" i^c, Rom. viii. 17.
[ 21 }
teh zvidi private property, coming (i 5) ia- the clouds (16), with their heavenly Mafter, to judge tyrants and opprelTors, and to call them to account for their want of brotberk love !
The Ethiopians, or Negroes, received the Chriftian faith much fooner than the Europeans themfelves : their early con- verfion was foretold by the Pfalmift:
(Pfalm
(15) — ** at the coming of our Lord Jestjs Christ
" ^ith all his Saints.'' I ThefT. iii. 13.
— ** And Enoch alfo, the feventh from Adam, pro* " phefied of thefe, faying. Behold, the Lord cometh, ** with ten thoufands of his faints, to execute judgement upon. ** ally and to convince all that are ungodly among them, ** of all their ungodly deeds," l^c, Jude, xiv. 15.
(16) — " and then Ihall all the tribes of the earth ** mourn, and they ihall fee the Son of man coming in. ** the clouds of heaven, with power and great glory." Matt. xxiv. 30.
** Behold, he cometh with clouds, and every eye *^ Ihall fee him : and they alfo 'njohich pierced him .*" Rev. i. 7. And thofe men, alio, who have worn out their brethren in Havery, may furely be ranked with the wretches that pierced their Lord. " — in as much as ye *' have done it unto one of the leaf of thefe my brethren,'* (faid our Lord,) " ye ha^ve done it wtio me.''' Matt. xxv. 40. (See the conciufion of my Tract on the Law of Liberty.)
r 22 1
L J
(Pfalm Ixviii. 31.) " Princes lliall come ** out of Egypt/' (or from Mizraim) j « and Ethiopia" (17) (or Cujh) '' fiall ^^ foon Jlretch out her hands unto GodT And, accordingly, we find the 'Ethiopian Eunuch (18) particularly mentioned in Scripture among the firll converts to
Chriftianity:
(17) Wherever we find mention made, in the Old Teftament, of Ethiopians, (chough a general name for Negroes,) yet we fhall find them exprefTed, in the Hebrew, by the name of the eldeft branch of Ham, a;/^. Chus, T£;'\j. However, we muil remember, that all Ethiopians are not Cujhites. The prodigious army, of a million of Ethiopians^ which was overthrown by Afa, were not all defcendants of Chus, though mentioned under the general name of C'u^O Chujimy in 2 Chron; chap. xiv. for we read, in the i6th chap» 8th verfe, that part of that vaft body \wcxt Lubims. ** Were not « the Ethiopians and Lubims'' (QUl^m )0''Ti:^"tDn) *« ahugehoil?" faid the prophet Hanani, when he reminded Afa of his former fuccefs. The Lubimsy or Libyans, were a great nation, from whom the internal part or Africa receives its name of Zrz<^'^, and were de- fcended from Mizraim, the fecond fon of Ham, who was alfo the father of the Egyptians.
(18) Who might jullly be efteemed a Prince of that country, being Atvarjj?, a Lord, or one *' of great autho" '* rity under Candace> Queen of the Ethiopians, 'x^ho •* had the charge, of all her Treafure,''^ i^c.
. [ 23 ] C^iriftianity : and that extraordinary exer* lion of the Holy Spirit, in favour of ihe eunuch, was, perhaps, the foundation of the ancient Church of Habaffi- nia (19), which, notwithftanding all worldly difadvantages, remains in fome degree of purity to this day, as a lafting monument of Chrijlianity among thefons of Ham, even in the mod remoteand inacceffiblepart of Africa !(2o)
Certain
(19) The learned Lutholf was of a different opinion, and fuppofed that the Habaffinians were not converted till the time of Conftantine the Great, about the year 330 ; and, though it is not clear whether this latter pe- riod was the time of their firft converfion or not, yet, certain it is, that, ever fmce that time, they have maintained the Chriftian faith, and the facramental in- llitutions of Chrill, without yielding to the adultera- tions of the church of Rome, though the fame were prefTed upon them with all the authority that one of their own Emperors could exert ! Lutholf has given a full and clear account (printed in 1691) ofthefe Chriftian Negroes and their church, which feems to be referved, ty the providence of God, as a /FzV»^ of the purity of his holy Religion : a Witnefs not lefs remarkable than the church of the Vaudois !
(20) They flill retain Water-Eaptifm and the holy Communion in both kindsy and drove out the Portuguefe
Jefuits
<€C
f 24 1
Certain it is, (fay the learned Aflembly *' of Divines,) that Ethiopia, according ^^ to this unqueftionable prophecy," (Pfalms, Ixviii. 31.) *^ was one of the ** firft kingdoms that was converted to " the Chriftian faith 5 the occafion and ^* means whereof we read of Adts viii. ^J 27, 28." §?r.
The progrefs of the truth muft have teen very rapid in Africa, becaufe we read of a council of African and Numi- dian Bifhops, held at Carthage, fo early as the year of Chrift 215 (21)5 (though our Anglo-Saxon anceftors remained in the grofleft pagan darknefs near 400 years afterwards 5) and, in the year 240, a council of 99 Biiliops was affembled at
Lambefa,
Jefults for attempting, by force, to pervert and corrupt ihek primiti've rites*
(21) " Carthaginenfe i. circa annum ccxv. fub A- '* grippino, epifcopo Carthaginenfi, ab Africa et "Nu^ *' midia epifcopis, de rebaptizandis hareticis habitum*^* Dr. Cave's Hift. Literaria, p, ^(^»
' C 25 3
Lambefa, an Inland city of Africa, on the confines of Biledulgerid, againd Privatus Biihop of Lambefa on a charge of Herefie. (22) The foarth Council of Carthage in the year 253 was held by 66 Bithops, concerning the Baptifni of Infants. (23) And in the eightli Council at that place (anno 256) be- fides (24) Priefls, Deacons and Laymen, there were prefent 87 Blfhops. In another council of Carthage, about the year 308, no lefs than 270 Bifhops of the Sedl of the Donatiil:s (25) were pre- fent j and in the year 394, at Baga, an inland City of Africa, 310 (26)Bifliops were collected together, though the
E fame
(22) Dr. Cave's Hift. Literaria, p. 99. (23) Ibid.
{24) ** Prefentes erant prefer Prefbyteros, Diaconos maximamque plebis partem, Epifcopi Ixxxvii, &c. See Dr. Cave's Hiil- Literaria, p. 100. alfo Bohun's Geog, Did, p. 219, under the word Lamhefa,
{25) Pf, Cave's HJft. Lit. p. 222. (26) Ibid, p. 234,
[ 26 ]
fame was long before the converfion of the Englifh and Dutch, the great traders in African Jlaves \ and though the Africans have, fince, lamentably fallen back iato grofs ignorance^ yet we muft not, on that account, look upon them in the fame light that the Jews did upon ^^ the children of the Jir angers^' whom they were permitted to hold in flavery (Levit. xxv. 45.) becaufe we cannot do fo without becoming^r^z;7^^ri' ourfelves to Cbriftiamty ; and haftening our own apcftacyy which feems already too near at hand. (27) We may la- ment
(27) The alarming increafe of infidelity, and the oped declarations of Deifts, Arians, Socinians, and others^ who deny the Divinity of Chrift, and of the Hoi/ GhoU, are lamentable proofs of the growing apollacyl The African Church fell away by degrees in the fame manner, till it was totally loft in the moft barbarous ignorance, (except in Habeffinia) for even thofe Africans who are free from idolatry, and profefs to worlhip ihe true Ge^, arc, nererthelefs, enfnared and
CJiflaved.
I 27 ]
ment the fallen ftate of our unhappy brethren, but wc have no commiJ]ion
under
«nilaved in the grofs errors of Mahomet anlfmy to whicli a negledl of the neceflary Faith in the Dinjiiiity ofChriJ}^ and of the Holy -Ghofi, has an apparent tendency ! We have likewife a remarkable inftance olinjideUtyf .or at lead of a total negle<fl of Scripture authority and re- velation, in the attempt of two late writers to prove that Negroes are ** an inferior /pedes of men ;" but the learned Dr. Beattie^i in his EJfay on Truth, has fully refuted the iniinuations of Mr. Humcy the finl broacher of that uncharitable dodrine, as well as Ariftotle's fa- tile attempt to juftify _/<2'x;fr)'; fo that Mr. EJi--wick\ fubfequent attempt, which was prompted only by the authority of Mr. Hume, needs no further co-nfutation. ** That I may not be thought a blind admirer of anti- " quity, (fays Dr.Beattie) I would here crave the read- ** er*s indulgence for one fhort digreflion more, in order '** to put him in mind of an important error in morals, ** inferred from partial and inaccurate experience, by *' no lefs a perfon than Anflotle himfelf. He ar- " gues, * That men of little genius, and great bodily •*. Jirength, are By jiature defined to fer-u^, and thcfe of ~*^ better capacity to com7nand ', and that the natives of " Greece, and of fome other countries, being naui- " lally fuperior in genius, have a natural right to em-
**pire;
[ 28 ]
nm^er the Go/pel to punifh them for it, as the Ifraelites had to puniQi the
Heathens
*' pire ; and that the red of mankind, being naturally ** Jiupid, are defined to laho^ir and fia^very^ (De Repub]. *' lib. I. cap. 5, 6 ) This reafoning is now, alas! of *' little advantage to Arijlotle' s cotintrymen, 'voho ha^'C *' for many ages been doomed to that Jla^very^ which, in *' kii judgment, nature had dejiined them to impofe on *' ethers', and many nations whom he would have con- ** figned to e-verlajiing flubidityy have fhown themfelves *' e^ua/ in genius to the mo^ exalted of human kind. It ** would have been more worthy of Ariftotle, to have " inferred man's natural and univcrfal right to liberty, " from that natural and univerfal paffion with which ** men defire it. He wanted, perhaps, to de-vifefome ** excufe for fer^vitude ; a. pratlice which, to their eternal ** reproach, both Greeks and Romans tolerated even ** in the days of their glory.
** Mr. Hu7ne argues nearly in the fame manner in ** regard to the fuperiority of whife men over black. * I •' am apt to fufpect,* fays he, * the negroes, and in ** general all the other fpccies of men, (for there are ** four or fiv'e uilfercnt kinds) to be naturally ioferior *' to the whites. There ne^oer ivas a civilized nation ** of any other complexion than white, fior euen any in- ^^ di<vi dual Qm'incnt ei;her in adion or fpeculation. No
** ingenioHS
[ 29 ] Heathens that were condemned in tht? . Jaw ! Our endeavour fliould be rather*
to
" ingenious manufa£lare& among them, m arts, m i<:i-> *' ences. — There are negro flaves dlfperfed all over " Europe, of which none ever diicoverecf any fymptomf '* of ingenuity.' (Hume's Effay on National CharatC- ** ters.) — Tkefe aflertions arc ftrong ; but I know not ** whether they have any thing elfe to recommecid - ** them. For, firft, though ti'ue, they would nat pm^e' **■ ihs foint in qusjtion^ except it were alio proved^; thaC" *' the Africans^and Americans, even though arts and *' fciences were introduced among them, would flill re- *' main unfufceptible of cultivation. The inhabitanit ** of Great Brit am ami France 'were- as fan} age fwo tJbax" **■ fand years ago^ as thofe (f jlfrica and America are ai *' this day. To civilize a nation, is a work whicb it' *• requires long time to accomplilh. And one may as ** ix ell fay of an infant., that he cart never become a man, *' as of a tiatian nonju harba^'otis, that it never can be civi- *' lized. Secondly, of the fafls htre afTerted, no man *' could have fuficient evidence, except from a ferfonal ac-m ♦' quaint ance vjith all the negroes that novo are, or ever ■ *' ly^rf, on the face of the earth. Thofe people write ** no hiftories ; and all the reports of all the travellerf "* that ever vifited them, will not amount to any thing *' like a proof of what; is ii^i^ aiSrna^d- Bvr> third-
[ 3° ]
to reftore the Heathens to their loft
privileges, than to harden them in
^' their
^* LY, WE KNOW THAT THESE ASSERTIONS ARE NOT
*« TRUE* The empires of Peru and Mexico could not ** have been governed, nor the metropolis of the latter ** built after fo lingular a manner, in the middle of a lake, ^thout msn eminent both for aSion and fpecula- ticm. Every body has heard of the magnificence, good government, and ingenuity, of the ancient Pe- ruvians. The Africans and Americans are kno<wtt to ha^ve many ingenious ma'nufaElures and arts among them, *'*' nxihich e'ven Europeans would find it no eafy matter *• to imitate. Sciences indeed they have none, becaufe ** they have no letters ; but in oratory, fome of them, " particularly the Indians of the Fi've Natio-ns^ are faid ** to be greatly our fupsriors. It will be readily allow- ** ed, that the condition of a flave is not favourable t6 *' genius of any kind ; and yet, the negro Jlwues difper- *^fedc<ver Europe^ have cften difco'vered fyinptoms of inge' •' nuiiyf not'vAtkJianding their ttnhappy circunrjiances. ••They become excellent handicrafffjnen^ and pr apical ** mujlciansy and indeed learn every thing their mailers " are at pains to teach them, perfidy and debauchery *• not excepted. That a negro flave, who can neither •* read nor write, nor fpeak any European language, ** who is not permitted to do any thing but what hi?
*' ma/ler
[ 31 ]
their prejadices by tolerating amongft us a greater degree of defpotifm and op*
prejjion
** mailer commands, and who has not a fingle friend '* on earth, but is Hniverfally confidered and treated as *« if he were of a fpecies inferior to the human ; — that •* fuch a creature (hould fo diftinlluifli himfelf among •* Europeans, as to be talked of through the worM for '* a man of genius, is furely no reafonable expedation. " To fuppofehim of art inferior fpecies, becaufe he dots •' not thus diftinguifh himfelf, is jud as rational, as to «* fuppofe any private European of an inferior fpecieSj. •* becaufe he has not raifed himfelf to the condition of ** royalty.
** Had the Europeans been deftitute of the arts of •* writing, and working in iron, they might have re- ** mained to this day as barbarous as the natives of " Africa and America, Nor is the invention of thef(? *• arts to be afcribed to our fuperior capacity. The g«- •^ nius of the inventor is not always to be eftimated ac- " cording to the importance of the invention. Gun- *' powder, and the mariner^s eompafs, have produced ** wonderful revolutions in human affairs, and yet were " accidental difcoveries. Such, probably, were the ** firft effays in writings and working in iron. Suppofe ** them the efFeds of contrivance ; they were at leafl: •* contrived by a i^^fs individuals j and jf they required
" a far
[ 3^ ] frefjion than was ever permitted among the JewSy or even among the ancient
Heathens!
«* a fuperiority of underftanding, or of fpecies in the in- ** ventors, thofe inventors, and their defcendents, are •' the only perfons who can lay claim to the honour of *• that fuperiority.
*« That every praf^ice and fentiment is barbarous •* which is not according to the ufages of modern En- ** rope, feems to be a fundamental maxim with many •' of our critics and philofophers. Their remarks often ** put us in mind of the fable of the man and the Jion, *' If negroes and Indians were difpofed to recriminate ; •* if a Lucian or a Voltaire from the coaft of Guinea, ** or from the Five Nations, were to pay us a vifit ; •* what a pidure of European manners might he prefent « to his countrymen at his return ! Nor would carica- *♦ tura, or exaggeration, be nece/Tary to render it hi- ** deous. A plain hijlorical account of Jhme of our moji *'■ fajfnonable duellifis^ gamblersy a7id adulterers^ (to name ** no more) would exhibit fpccimens of brutijh barbarity •' andfottijh infatuation^ fuch as might vie with any •' that ever appeared in Kamfchatka, California, or the •• Jand of Hottentots.
** // is eafy to fee njjith <vjhat ^vienvs fame modern au- •' thors threw out thefe hints to pro've the natural inferiori' **■ ty Qi negroes. But let every friend to humanity pray y
** that
[ 33 3
Heathens ! for in one of our own anti^ chrijlian colonies, even the murder of a negro Have, when under private punifhment, is tolerated (fee the 329th adt of Barbadoes) ; and by the fame diabolical a6l of alTembly a man may ** of wantonnefsi or of bloody minded^ " nefsy or cruel intentioii' (it is exprefsly faid) '* wilfully kill a negro, or other Jlave of his own,* without any other penalty for it than a trifling fine of
** that they may he difappointed. Britons are famous for ** generofity ; a virtue in which it is eafy for them to ** excel both the Romans and the Greeks. Let it never ** be/aid, that Jla'very is countenanced by the braveft ** and mod generous people on earth ; by a people who ** are animated with that heroic paffion, the love of ** liberty, beyond all nations ancient or modern ; and ** the fame of whofe toilfomc, but unwearied, perfe- ** verance, in vindicating, at the expence of life and *^ fortune y the f acred rights of tnankind, ivill Jirike terror ** into the hearts of fycophants and tyrants, and excite " the admiration and gratitude of all good men, to «* the lateft pofterity." EfTay on Truth, P. 458, 459, 460,461, 462, 465 and 464.
E 34 I
£'i^ fterling. (See remarks on this adfc. in my tradt again ft flavery in England^ {28) p. 66 and 67.) Many inftances of Weft-India cruelty have fallen even within my own knowledge, and I have certain proofs of no lefs than three married women bein^ violenth" torn away from their lawful Iiufbands, (29) even in London, by the order of their pretended proprietors ! Another re- markable inilance of tyranny, which
came
(28) A reprefentatton of tire injailice and dange^ rous tendency of tolerating flavery in England. Lon* don, 1769.
(29) Nothing can be more prefumptuoufly contrary to the laws of^ God, than thefe unnatural outrages X '* Have ye not read" (faid Chrift himfelf) " that he ** which made {them) at the beginning, made them *' male and female? and faid, for this caufe fhall a •' man leave father and mother, and (hall cleave to *• his wife : and they twain (liall be onefiejhi Wherefore ** they are no more inuainy but onejlejh. What, there- ** fore, God hath joined together let no man ^ svT ASUNDER." Matth. xix. 4, 5 and 6.
T 35 ] came within my own knowledge^ was tbeadvertizingareward (in the Gazetteer of the iftjune, 1772) for apprehend- ing ** an Eaji 'India black boy about 14 " years of age^ named Boh or Pompey :*' he was furrher diftinguiilied in the advertizement by having ** round his ** neck a brajs collar, with a diredion ^* upon it to ahoufe in Charlotte-ftreet, *« Bloomfbury-fqaare." Thus the black Indian Pompey was manifeftly treated with as little ceremony as a black name^ fake of the dog kind could be. I inquired after the author of this unlawful and fhamefal advertizement ; and found, that he was a merchant even in the heart of the city of London, who fhall be namelefs ; for I do not want to tx^o^Q individuals J but only their crimes. Now if mailers are capable of fuch monftrous oppression, even here in England^ where their brutality renders
them
[ 36 ]
them liable to fevere penalties, how can we reafonably rejedt the accounts of TYRANNY in America^ howfoever hor- rid and inhuman, where the abominable plantation laws will permit a capricious or paffionate mafter, with impunity, to deprive his wretched flave even of life.
I an ^ifquently told, neverthelefs, by intereftc i penons from the Weft-Indies, how wel the flaves are ufed -, and ihat they are much happier than our own poor at home. But though I am wiiliag to believe ih^it Jome Jew worthy Weft- Indians trea. their Haves with humani- ty, yet it is, certainly, far from being the general ea/e 'y and the mifery of our own poor will not be any excufe for the opprejjion of the poor el fe where ! When any of our own countrymen at home are miferably poor^ it is not always clear whether themfelves, or others, are to
be
[ 37 ] be blamed : all we can know for cer- tain is, that it is the indifpenfabie duty of every man to relieve them according to his ability ; and that the negledling an opportunity of doing fo, is as great an offence before God as if we had denied afliftance to Chrijl himfelf in the fame wretched condition ; for fo it is exprefsiy laid down in Scripture, (30)
through
(30) " Then fhall the king fay unto them on his right M hand, — Come, ye bleiTed of my Father, inherit the *' kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the " world ; For I was an hungred, and ye gave me meat z ** I was thirfty, and ye gave me drink : I was Rj?ranger^ " and ye took me lu. : naked, and ye <:lothed mec I wag ** fick, and ye vifited me : I was in prifon, and ye came •* unto me. Then fl^iall the righteous anfwer him, faying, *' Lord, when faw we thee an hungred, and fed {thee)? <* or thirfty, and gave [thse] drink ? When faw we thee *' zjirangery and took {thee) in, or naked, and clothed " {thee) P Or when faw we thee fick, or in prifon, and " came unto thee ? And the king ihall anf.ver, and ** fay unto them. Verily I fay unto you, inafmuch as ye ** have done (u) anto one of lli,e lealt of thefe my bre-
*' thren.
[ 38 ] through the mercy of God towards the poor : but it is obvious to v/hom the mifery of a JIave is to be attributed : for the guilty pojfejfor will certainly be anfwerabls to God for it ; and every man, who endeavours to palliate and fcreen fuch opp'rejjion^ is undoubtedly a partaker of the guilt. The Jlave^ holder deceives himfelf if he thinks he can really be a Christian, and yet
hold
«* thren, ye have done (//) unto me ! Then fiiall he fay «* alfo unto them on the left hand, Depart from mCyje •* curfed into e<verlafiing fire., prepared for. the devil and ** his angels : For I was an hungred, and ye gave me no •* meat ; I was thirty, and ye gave me no drink : I was ** a firangcTy and ye took me not in : naked, and ye ** clothed me not : fick, and in prifin, and ye vifited " me not. Then fliall they alio anfwer him, faying, ** Lord^ when faw we thee an hungred, or a thirft, or a *^ fir anger y or naked, or fick, or in prifon, and did not ** mioiller unto thee ? Then (hall he anfwer them, fay- ** ing. Verily [ fay unto you, inahniuh as ye did {it) noi *' to one of the Icafi of ikefey ye did {it) not to me. And ** thefe Ihall go away into e-verlafiingpunifibment : but the *< righteous into li/e eternal,'' Maltha xxv. 34 — 46.
[ 39 ]
koMfuch property. Can he be faid to love his netg/jf-our as hinijelp f (31) Does he behave to others a^ he would they fhould to him ? ** Ye have heard *' that it hath been faid, Thou fbalt ** love thy neighbour^ and hate thine ** enemy \ hut I fay unto you (faid our ** Lord himfelf) love your enemies, &c. ** That ye may be the children of your ** Father which is in Heaven : for he *« maketh his fun to rife on the evil, and *« on the good, and fendeth rain on the ^^jujl and on the unjujl y" (Matth. v. 44, 4^) fo that Heathens are by no means excluded from the benevolence ^' Chrifiians^
Thus Chrift has enlarged the antient Jevv^ifli docinac 01 loving our neighbours
as
(31) I have examined this point more at large in a trad: on '* The Lavj of Liberty f** which is intended alfo for publication.
[ 40 ]
as oiirjelves ; and has alfo taught us, by the parable of the good Samaritan, that all mankind, even our profejfed ene- mies (fuch as were the Samaritans to the Jews) muft neceflarily be efteemed cur neighbours whenever they ftand in need of our charitable affiftance; ib that ih^fame benevolenee which was due fi'om the Jew to his brethren of the bouje oflfrael is i nd ifp en fa bly due, under the Gojpely to our brethren of the UNIVERSE, howfoever oppoiite in religi- ous or political opinions ; for this is the apparent intention of the parable.
No nation therefore whatever, can now be lawfully excluded 2.^jira?2gersy according to that uncharitable fenfe of the \NOvdi fir anger, in which the Jews were apt to diflinguiih all other nations from themfelves ; and, iince all men are now to be eileemed " brethren and
neighbours'"
[ 41 ]
** neighbours^ under the Gofpel, none of the Levitical laws relating to ihe bon- dage of Jlr angers are in the leaft appli- cable tojuftify ilavery among Chrijiians % though the fame laws bind Chriftians'^ well as j^^i£;j with refpeft to all the lef- fons of benevolence to Jlrangers, which are every where interfperfed therein ; be- caufe thefe are moral doctrines which never change, for they perfedly corre- fpond with " the everlaJlingGofpeL "(Rev. xiv 6;) As for inftance, ** Thou (hzltnot ^^oppre/s a Stranger^ for ye know the heart ** of a Stranger y feeing ye were Jlrangers ** in the land of Egypt." Exod.xxiii, 9. . This is an appeal to ihc feelings and ex- perience of the Jews who had them- felves endured a heavy bondage, fo that it clearly correfponds with the *^ royal law " or ^* law of liberty *' in the Gofpeh
[ 42 3
*' Thoujhalt love thy neighbour as thyfelfJ* GaL V. 14. or as our Lord himfelf has more fully exprefled it. ** All things *^ whatjoever ye would that men fiould ^^ do to you, do ye even fo to them: for •* This is the law and the pro- *^ PHETS." Matth, vii. 12.
Again, ^^\i Mi. Jlr anger (opmn with thee
'* in your land, yefliall not vex or(opprefs
** him) {hut) the Jlranger th^t dwelleth
" with you, fhall be unto you as one born
«** among you, and thou shalt love
«« HiM«^ {yiz. thejlra?2gery' as thyself ;
*^ for_y^ were strangers in the land of
''Egypt. I am the Lord your God." (Levit.
xix. 33.) Let every flavehblder confider
the importance of this command and
the unchangeable dignity of him who gave
it, **I AM' THE Lord your God" !— for
the
r 43 3
*« the Lord your God is God of Gods, " and LordoiLordsy 2,great God, 2,migh^ *^ tyy and a terrible^ which regardeth not •* perfons" (not the Mafters more than any flaves) " nor taketh reward. He doth ** execute the judgment of the fatherlefs *' and widow, and loveth the stran- ** GER, in giving him food and raiment, "Love ye therefore the Jlr anger : for ye ** were Jlrangers in the land of Egypt.'* Deut. X. 17, 1 8, 19. And how can a man be faid to love the Jiranger^ and much lefs to love him as himfelf (fee the exprefs command above) who prefumes to vex and opprefs him with a per- petual involuntary bondage ? Is this obedience to that great rule of the Gof- pel, which Chrift has given us as the fum of the law and the prophets ? Would the American flaveholders rehfli that con- temptuous and cruel ufage with which they opprefs their poor negroes ; and
thai
[ 44 ]
that the African { '^j)Jlrangers (hould do even fo to thetnfelves without the leaft perfonal provocation or fault on their part»
viz.~
(31) The prefent deplorable flate of the African Jlr angers in general y ought to warn us of fimilar judg- ments againft the inhabitants of thefe kingdoms ! My own Grandfather near a century ago (wanting only three years, viz in 1679) warned our great national counfel of God's vengeance hj this ^ery example,
** That Africa (fays he) which is not now more «* fruitful of monftcrs^ than it was onCe of excel lent- •* ly wife and learned men ; that Africa which for- •* merly afforded us our Clemens, our Origen, our Tcr- ** tullian, our Cyprian, our Auguiline, and many other •* extraordinary lights in the church of God ; that fa- •* Mous Africa, in njtjhofe foil Chrijiianity did thr.ifvi **./oprodigiouJlyf and could boajl of fo many floiirijhing ** churches y alas is mav a nuildernefs. The nvild hoars ** ha<ve broken into the vineyard and eaten it up, and i$ *' brings forth nothing but briars and thorns : to ufe the ** words of the prophet. And nvho kno'ws but God may *^ fuddenly make this church and nation, this our «* ENGLAND, which, Jcfliurun like, is nuaxed fat and ** gro'ivv proud, and has kicked againfi God, such
•* ANOTHER EXAMPLE OF THE VENGEANCE OP THIS
<* KIND ? "—See arch bp. Sharp's Sermons fecond vol, ift Serm. which was preached before the houfe of ComraoRB, April 11, 1679. (Page 22)
[ 45 ]
VIZ. to be branded with a hot iron. In or- der to be known and ranked as the cattle and private property of their oppreffors ? Like the cattle alfo to be ignominoufly compelled by the whip of a driver to la- bour hard ** without wages* or recora- pence ? If the African merchants and American flaveholders can demonftratc that they would not think themfelves in- jured by fuch treatment from others, they may perhaps be free from the horrid guilt oi unchrijlian oppreffion arid uncharitable^ nefsy which mud otherwife inevitably be imputed to them, becaufe their aftions will not bear the teft of that excellent rule of the Gofpel abovementioned, which Chrift has laid down as the mcafure of our aftions — *^ All things what/oever ^^ ye would that men Jhould do to you^ do ye ** evenfo to them 9 for this is the law and the •* prophets" .Math vii, 1 2. 1 muft there- fore
[ 46 ]
fore once more repeat, what I have be- fore advanced, that the permiffion for- rnerly granted to the Jews of holding heathens and Jlrangers in ilavery is vir- tually repealed, or rather fuperfeded by theGofpel, notvvithftanding the contrary affertion of the African merchant, that Chrift " did not repeal that of Jlavei'
The ylfrican merchant has alfo re-^ publilhed the letters of his fellow ad-» vocate Mercahry who profeffes in the fame manner to draw his authority *^from Sacred hiflory'—^^ To the fedate, «^ to the reafonable, to the Chriftian read- ** ers (fays he) I fliall more fully kt forth ** the lawfulnefs oftheflave trade from the " exprefs allowance of it in Holy writ :" (ibid appendix : B. iv.) but the very firft inlinuation concerning the origin of flavery which follows this fpecious addrefs to the ^date &c. is founded on rwofalje ajjirtion^
eve?i
[ 47 ] even in one fentence, and therefore I can^ .not efleem him v/orthy of any further notice than that of pointing out thefe proofs of his little regard to truth ; " As *^ to its origin (fays he) it may poffibly be *' derived from that fqntencc expreffed *f againfl Canaan [from whom the Africans^ ** fays he,.^r^ defcended) by his father No- *' ah at the hour of his death. (32) Curfed ** beCanaan,afervantof fervantsfliallhebe *' to his brethren." But though the author afterwards allows that ^' both the origia *\ of flavery and the colour of the Africans *' are incapable oi pofitive proofy "yet the futility of his inlinuation concerning the
defcent
(32) It was not" at the honr of his deaf h^*' hat " ^^vhen ht *^ anvokefiom his ivi7ie " after-he had tailed too freely the fruits of the vineyard, which he planted when he began to be a hulbardman 5 the time therefore was probably very foon after the flood, and not at the hour of hi? ^^«//^, a^ mifreprefented by Mercator, for he lived after the flood '350,yearSjGeheris ix. 28.
I 48 ]
defcent of the Africans is not like the other two circumftances ** incapable of ** pofitive proof." For i)\Q Africans are not defended from Canaan^ if we ex- cept the Carthaginians (a colony from the fea coaft oi the land of Canaan who were a free people, and at one time ri- valled, even the Roman common wealth, in power. The Africans are principally defcended from the three other fons of Ham, viz. Cujh, Mifraim, and Phut ; and to prove this more at large I have fub- joined to this tradt a letter which I re- ceived (in anfwer to mine on the fame fubjedl) from a learned gentleman who has moft carefully ftudied the antiquities of the line of Ham : the infinuation there- fore concerning the ^^fente/ice expreffed ** againll Canaan'* can by no means juftify the African Jlave trade, fo that Mercator fcems indeed to write like a mere trader^ for the fake of his iniquitous Traffic^
more
[ 49 ] more than for the fake of truth, not« withftanding his profeflions of regard for the Holy Scriptures.
' If we carefully examine the Scrip- tures we fliall find, that flavery and op- preffion were ever abominable in the fight of God ; for though the Jews were permitted by the law of Mofes (on ac- count of the hardnefs of their hearts] to
keep flaves, as I have remarked in my anfwer to the Reverend Mr. ^hompfon on this fubjedl (which is fubjoined,) yet there was no inherent right of fervice to be implied from this permiflion, be- caufe whenever the flave could efcaps he was efteemedyr^^ ; and it was ab- folutely unlawful for any man who be- lieved the word of God) /^ Ji^/rivvr hhn tip again to his majier (fee Deut. xxiii. 15, 16.) whereas in our co- lonies, (which in ads of oppression
H may
[ 5° ]
may too juftly be efteemed antichrljlian) the flave who runs away is *^ deemed ** rebellious^' and a reward of ^T 50 is offered to thofe who shall kill or '^ bring in alive a?ty rebellious Jlave' (fee the 66th ad: of the laws of Jamaica ) By an adt of Virginia (4 Ann, ch. 49 § 37 P« 227.) after proclamation is iffbed againil: flaves that *^ run away and lie out^' it is ** Lav/ful for any -p erf on whatfoever to kill znd destroy ** SUCH SLAVES by fuch ways and means as he, Jhe^ or they shall think FIT, without accufation or impeach^ ** ment of any crime for the fame y' &c. See the remarks on thefe, and fuch o\hcT diabolical aSls of plantation affem- blies in pages 63 to 7^, of my re- prefentation of the injuflice and dan- gerous tendency of tolerating flavery in Englaiid. Printed in 1769,
By another ad: of Virginia, (12
Geo.
[ 51 ]
Geo. I. chap. 4, § 8. P 368.) if a poor fellow is taken up as a runaway and committed to prifon, the goaler may- let him out to hire, in order to pay the fees, even though he. is not claimed, ** and his majier or owner (fays the adl) *^ cannot be known -y' and in a following claufe the goaler is ordered to *^ caufe a
*^ Jlrong IRON COLL AK TO BE PUT ON
*^ THE NECK offuch negroe or runaway ^ ** with the letters (P. G.)Jiamped thereon '^\ a moft abominable affront to human na- ture ! our fpiritual enemy muft have had a notorious influence with the plantation law makers to procure an ad: fo contradictory to the laws of God, (33)
and
(33) Even white fervants, EngUJh, Scotch, and Jrijh are frequently taken up by the Jheriffzndi goalers without any warrant, or previous judgment what- ever, merely " on fufpkion of being fer^vants ;'* and they are then ad'vertmd to be ddiwred up to their ty- rannical
[ 52 ] and In particular to that (lafl cited) from Deutrenomy, viz, ** Thou (halt
" not
rannical mafters ; bat though there is great injuRics and oppreffion in taking up thefe poor people merely ** on fufpicion of being /erv ants, ''^ yet it does not appear to be fo flagrant a breach of God's command before- mentioned, as the delivering up the poor runaway ite- groesy wko are foreigners, and ftrangers, and confequjently lefs capable of obtaining redrefs when they are really injured : the white fervancs are generally underftood to be bound to their mafters only for a fkort lirftited time, either with their own confent by private contraifl, or as felons who are banifhed their mother country after a fair trial hy jury (i.vhich excludes any fufpicion of injuHice) and are fold for a certain term to pay the expences of their paiTage, &e. whereby the right offer- vice claimed from them by the raafter is more in the nature of a pecuniary debt than of abfolute flavery, fo that the white runaway fervant may perhaps, as a debtor, be delivered up to his mailer without any dire£l breach of the law of Goti brforementioned ; provided there is no appreheniion or probability of his being treated with cruelty on his return ; or that the mailer would be M* able to exa(fl m€i-e fervice than is due; in whi-ch cafe the iav/ ougfit tb afford prote<5lion and redrefs ; but no pretences of this kind can ]M'^\i^ \!ti.z delivering up 2l s Vit^x^t jlrange.r ! The poor negroes are claimed y^r
life,
{ 53 i
'^ not deliver unto his mafter the fer- *' vant which is efcaped from his mafter
" unto
Ufey as an ahfolute property , though (to compare their cafe with white fervants) they never offended any member of our community either at home or abroad to jufliTy fuch a fevere punilhment under ^ri///& Gi?'z;^ra- ment ; neither are they capable of entering into fuch a legal contra 6i for fervice, as might jullify a maker's claim to it, being abfolutely incapacitated hy unla<wful durefi, to e7iter i?ito any contraSi as long as they are de- tained by force or fear in the Britijh dominions (for which injujiice to Jirangers the Britijh dominions muft foOfi^r or later receive a {eYtrt retrihation) and there- foffe the delivering up to his majier a mgroe fer'vant **That has escaped from his master," and has fince regained his natural liberty, muft neceifarily be elleemed a fhameful and notorious breach of God's la 'A', Nenjerthelefs our fublick prints inform us e'ven of an Etiglijh man of ivar and another veiTel being lately fent from Grenada to the Spanilh main, " to claim fome " flaves that had made their efcape from the Iflands," (fee Gazetteer June 30, 1773) the writer of the pa- ra'graph alfo expreffes great difappointment on ac- count of the iffue of this unwarrantable and difgraceful eihbaffy : " inftead of meeting 'with that jujlice and ** ci'vility njohich (favs he) they had a right to expeSl, the ** Governors at hoth places, ive are told, treated them ^ith
«' the
C 54 1
«^ unto thee ; Hefliall dwell with thee^ ** among you. in that place which he " fhall choofe" (that is manifeflly as a free man ) " in one of thy gates where ^^ it liketh him bejl \ thou Jlmlt not opprefs ** him". Deut. xxiii. 15, 16. This is clearly a moral lawj which muft be ever binding as the will oi God-, becaufethe benevolent intention of it is apparent, and muft ever remain the fame : for
which
'* the greateji haughtlnefs and contempt and refufed to gii}§ •* them the fmalleji fatisfaSlion','^'' but alas the <very ex" pe£iation of better treatment (upon an errand fo unlaw- ful in itfelf, and fo difgraceful to his Majelly's naval fervice) is a proof of the moft deplorable degeneracy and ignorance ! Even the cruel Spaniards are more civilized and (hew more mercy to their flaves at prefent than the Englifh, of which their new regulations for the abolifhingof fiavery afford ample proof, though the RETRIBUTION for their former Tyranny has lately fal- len heavily on them according to the lafl: accounts from. Chiloe and Chiliy which ought to be confidered as mer- ciful warnings to the refl of the world againft tyranny and flavcry !
[ 55 1
which reafon I conclude that an ac- tion of TROVER cannot lye for a Jlave ; and that no man can lawfully be profe- cuted for protecting a negroe, or any other Have whatever, that has ** efcaped *^ from his mafier" becaufe that would be punishing a man for doing his in- difpenfable duty according to the laws of God: and if any Jaw, cuflom or prece- dent fhould be alledged to the contrary it mufl: neceffarily be rejected as null and void', becaufe it is a maxim of the com- mon law of England, that " the inferior ** law mujl give place to the fuperior^ ** man's laws to God's laws\ (attorney general Noy's maxims P. 19) And the learned author of the Do5lor and Stu- dent afferts, that even Statute law ought to be accounted null and void , li it is fet forth contra?y to the laws of God, <^ Etiam si aliquod statutum ^^ esse editum, contra eos nul-
*^ LIUS
[ S6 1
^^ Lius viGORis inlegibusAngUce cenfe^ *^ ri debet, CSc*-'^ chap, vi.
The degree offervitude, which the Ifraelites were permitted to exact of their brethren, was mild and equitable, whcQ compared with the fervitade which (to our confulion be it faid) is common among Chriftians ? I have al- ready quoted from Leviticus a fpecimen of the limitation to the fervitude of Brethren ; but the Jews were not only reftrained from opprejjing their Brethren, but were alfo bound by the law to qffifi them generoiijly and bounti- fully according to every man's ability, when they difmiiTed them from their fervice ; which is a duty too feldom pradiced among ChriRians ! (fee Deut- renomy xv. 12.) ^^ If thy brother an ** Hebrew man, or an Hebrew woman, be ^^ fold unto thee, andferve thee fx years ;
*^ then
I 57 ]
"** then in the seventh year thou ^^Jhalt let him go F-R-EEfrom thee. (34) And when thou fendiift him out free from thee 9 thoujhalt not let him go " AWAY EMPTY I Thou Jhah furnijh him '^ J^iBi^RAL-LYoutofthyfock.andoutof *^ thy floor i and out of thy wine prefs : *' (of that) wherewith the Lord thy God " hath blejfedtheey thou fldalt give unto him. " And thou Jhalt remember that thou '^ WAST A BONDMAN in ihe land of E^ " g^pU AND THE Lord thy God re-
" DEEMED THEE : THEREFORE I COm^^
** mand thee this thing to day" Thefe are the very utmofl: li??2its of fervitude that we might venture to cxadl of our bre- thren ^i;^;? if we werefews f and how much more are we bound to obiervx every thing that is merciful in the law whilft we pro- fefs Chri/iianity^W hat ihca muft we think of ourfelves if we compare thefe Jewiih
I limitations
( 34. ) See alfo Exodus xxi, 2,
C 58 3
limitations with our Plantation laws ! A bountiful recompence for the fervice is plainly enjoined^ whereas the whole fub- ftance perhaps, of the moft wealthy Englip or Scotch flaveholders would not fuffice to pay what is due^ in Jlri5t ju/iice, to thofe who have laboured in hisfervicey if the reward is to be proportioned to their fufferings : but it fliall one day be required of them — " Tour gold andjiher *' is cankered; andtherujl ofthemPoallbe *^ a witnefs againji you^ and jhall eat
" yoUR FLESH AS IT WERE FIRE : Te
'* have heaped treafure together for the *^ lajl days. Behold the hire of " THE LABOURERS whtch have rea- ** ped down your fields, which is of you ** kept back by fraud, crieth : andTHY.
*' CRIES ^/^f/« which have REAPED
** are eutered into the ears of the Lord ^^ of SahaotW ((jrg/' armies) James, v. 3 and 4.
The
[ 59 ]
Thtjlaveholder perhaps will fay, that this text is not applicable to him, lince he cannot be faid to have ** kept back by ** fraud" the hire of his labourers ^ becaufe he never made any agreement with them for wages y having bought their bodies of th^Jlave dealer y and thereby made them his own private property 5 fo that he has a right (he will fay) to all their labour without wages. But this is a vain ex- cufe for his opprej/ion, becaufe it is not fo much the previous agreement as the la- bour which renders wages due : for
*^ THE LABOURER is worthy of HIS
" HiR]E"(Luke X. 7.) and the fin which ** CRiETH in the ears of the Lord of Sa- ** baoth" is the tifing a poor man's labour ** without wages '/' fo that whether there is an agreement for wages y or no a* greementy yet, if the labour is per for* medy the wages are due ; and thofe, who keepthemback, maybe faid to build their houfe in unrighteoufnefs : as the prophet
Jeremiah
[ 6o ]
Jeremiah has declared in the ftrongeft terms (Jer. xxii. 13^) " Wo unto him « that buildeth his houfe by unrighteouf- " nefsyandhis chatubers by wrong \ {that)
«^ USETH HIS neighbour's SERVICE *^ WITHOUT V/AGES, AND GIVETH «^ HIM NOT FOR HIS WORK."
And the holy Job, even before the law, declared his deteftation of unre- warded SERVICE. *^^;^/^;?^(faidhe) ** cry againjl fne, or that thejurrows like^ *^ wife thereof complain: if i have eat-
« EN THE FRUITS THEREOF WITHOUl*
<** MONEY,, or have caiifed the owners tbere^
^^ of to lofe there life: (35) let thijlles
«« grow
(35) Which was too much the cafe in the late Englifh acquifition of " the fine cream part of the Ifiand** of St. Vincent's. — See authentic papers relative to the expedition againft the Chaiibbs. Page 24.
[ 6r ]
« ^row tnjlead of wheats and cockle in^ ^^ Jiead of barley I Job. xxxi. 38.— 40
The wife (on of Sirach has alfo add- ed his tefdmony to the fame doctrine *^ He that defraudeth the l^ibourer of '^ his hire is a hloodfoeder, Ecclefiafticos xxxiv. 22. The flaveholder will oer- haps endeavour io evade thefe texts alfo^ by alledglng, that though, indeed, he *' ufeth his neighbour s Jervice without ** WAGES, yet he cannot be faid to ^* give him nothing for his work" becaufe he is at the expence of providing him with food and cloathing (36) and there- fore this {zvQVQ text is not apphcable to him. But let fuch a one remember (if
he calls himfelf a Chriiiian) that Chris^ tian matters are abiolutely bound to have
fome regard to /Z?^ //^/^r^/? of their fer- vants, as well as to their own interefl,
^' Mafers
(36) Ofnabrug trowfers, and fometimes alfo a Cap
[ 62 ]
Ma/ierSigive unto your servants? tha' which /jjustand equal, know^ *^ i?2g that YE ALSO have a master in ^^ heaven,'' Coilofs. iv. i.
But Jlaveholders in general, have no idea of what is '' just ^^nd equal" to be given tofervants according to the Scriptures I
It is not a mere fupport in food and neceffaries, as a mailer feeds his horfe or his afs to enable the creature to perform hislabour: but as ;/;^;2isfuperiorto/Jr2//^j-, a further reward is *' jiiji and equar to be given to the \\wm2.x\ fervant , I have already fufRciently proved that every ?nan under the Gofpel is to be confidered as our neighbour and brother ^ and confe- quently, whatever was '* jiifl and equal*"" *' to be given by a Jew, to his neighbour, or Hebrew brother under the Old Tefta-
ment#
[ 63 ]
ment, the fame muft, necelTafily, be confidered as *^ juft and equal ^^^ and ^ih/o^ lutely dueUovciChrifiians to mtn oi all nations without dniindtion, whom we are bound to treat as brethren ui^.der the Gofpel in whatever capacity theyferve us. Let the American Jlaveholder therefore remember, that even according to the Jewijh lawy \ii he argues upon it ^-j- a Christian ought to do) he is abfoiute- ly indebted to each of his flavejr for every days labour B f Y o N D the fir jl fix years
OF HIS SERVITUDE. " In the SEVENTH
*^ year (faid the Lord by Mofes,) thoP^ *< fhalt let him go free from thee. And' ** when thoufendeft him out YK'E.Y,jrom thee^
*^ thou SHALT NOT LET HIM GO AWAY
*' EMPTY . T^hou fJnilt Jurnifo him li-
«* BERALLY OUt of thy ' FLOCK, &C«
«^ wherewith the Lord thy God hath hUfs^ ^* ed thee, thoufloalt give unto khn' &c.
If
[ 64 ]
If this was the indifpenfable duty even of Jews I how much more is it ** JUST AND EQUAL to beobferved by Chrlftians ? The fame command, when apph'ed to the American planter^ will in- clude a proper ftock of plants for cul- tivation, as Sugar-Canes, Tobacco, In- digo, &c, as well as cattle and ftores, to enable a poor man to maintain him- felf and family upon a fmall farm, or lot of fpare ground, lett, for a certain li- mited time, on reafonable terms ; and renewable on equitable conditions ; which are the only true means of re- Xiucing the price oj labour, and provijions. Let not the planter ^rz/^^ to part with hisjervant when he h^s/erveJ a reafon- able time in proportion to Ms price, (a^^reeable for, inftance, to the regula- tions adopted by the Spaniards which I have already recommended to the 'Engl'ijJo planters iSee Appendix 5.) for the word of God forbids any fuch x^afe reludlance. " It JJdall not *' seem
<* HARD
€€ €€
C 65 3
*' SEEM HARD UNTO THEE when thoU
^^fendejl him away free from thee\for ** he hath been warih a double hired fer^ 'vant (to thee) in ferving theejix years : and the Lord thy Godjhall blefs thee in <' all that thou doefi" Deut. xv. 18
The flaveholder perhaps will alledgc that, though the Jews were bound to fhew this benevolence to their brethren ofljraeli yet the fame laws do not bind the American planter, becaufe his flaves are for the moft part heathens or ('as fome of the negroes are) Mahometans^ and therefore he is not bound to confider them as his brethren j being rather jufti- fied by the law, which permitted the Jews to keep heathen Jlavesy and ** the ** children oj the Jir angers," in perpetual bondage &c They ihall be your bondmen yir ei;t*r— fee Leviticus xxv. 44, 45? and 46»—But I have already guarded againft
K this
' i 66 ]
this objeftion, in the former part of this trad: ; and it muft clearly appear, by the feveral points fince mentioned, that as Chrijlians^ we muft not prefume to look upon any man whatever in the fame light that the Ifraelites once did upon " the children of the ft r anger s^* whether they be black or white^ Hea^ thens or Mahometans.
If a Heat hen y or a Mahomet an y happens to fall into our hands, {hall we confirm his prejudices by opprejjtony inftead of endeavouring to inftrudt him as a bro^ ther ? Surely the blood of fuch a poor infidel muft reft on the guilty head of that nominal Chriftian, who negleds the opportunity of adding to the num- ber of his brethren in the Faith ! And therefore, let that man, who endeavours to deprive others of their juft privileges z^brethrenyi2ikQ heed left he fliould there- by unhappily occafioa his own rejeSlion
in
r 67 ]
in the end, when that dreadful doom, which the uncharitable mufl expedt will certainly be pronounced !— For then ** //6^King" (the King of King's) ** Jhall anfwery and fay unto themy-^^ *' Verily I fay unto you^ — In as much as *^ ye have done (it) unto one of the leafi ** of thefe MY Brethren," (for that glorious King will efteem even the nieaneft Slaves as his Brethren, if they believe in him,) ^^ ye have done (it) '* unto ME ! Depart from me ye ** Curs D into everlafling Fire^ pre^- " pared for the Devil and his Angels J* ** (Malt. XXV. 40, 41.) I know you not ! " (xxv. 12.) — I never knew you ', — De^ ** part from me ye that work iniquity!'^ (Matt. vii. 23.)
Soli Deo Gloria et Gratia,
FINIS
APPENDIX
( N°. I. )
An ESSAY on
SLAV
Y,
Proving from Scripture its Inconfiftency with Humanity and Religion 5
By GRANVILLE SHARP.
** With an introdudory Preface," {hy a Gentleman cf the LanVf in Wefl Jerfey) ** containing the Sen- timents of the Monthly Reviewers on a Trad, by the Rev. T. Thompfon, in Favour of the Bla^^g Trader
-The Lord alfo ivill he a Refuge for the Opprejfed- a Refuge in Time of Trouble, Pfalm. ix- 9.
^URLINCrON: West Jersey, Printed, M.dcc.lxxiii.
LONDON: reprinted, 1776.
Preface by the American Editor.
<r|' MIE following Efifay, though wrote, I * as the Author fignifies, in hafte, ' is thought to have fuch merit as to deferve a publication. — The copy was fent to one of the Writer's particular friends, whether for his own peculiar fa- tisfadlion, or the prefs, is uncertain ; but as the fubje(5l is Liberty^ fo it is expedled the Freedom which is here taken, cannot juftly give him offence, or be unaccepta- ble to the public'
* It was defigned to confute a piece wrote
by Thomas Thompfon, M. A. fome time
fellow of C. C. C entitled,' " The Afri-
' can trade for Negro Slaves (hewn to be
' confident with principles of humanity,
' and with the laws of revealed religion."
Printed at Canterbury.'
' In order to (liew that the Effay Writer
has not mifreprefented the text, nor is
fingle in his obfervations upon it, the fen-
timents of the Monthly Reviewers on that
pamphlet in May, 1772, are here infert=
* ed.'
" We mud acknowledge," fay they, " that
" the branch of trade here under confidera-
a 2 " tioHa
4 APPENDIX, No. i.
'* tion, is a fpecies of traffic which we have " never been able to reconcile with the dic- " tates of humanity, and much lefs with " thofe of religion. The principal argu- " ment in its behalf feems to be, the necef- ^^ fity of fuch a refcource, in order to carry " on the works in our plantations^ which, " we are told, it is otherwife impoffible to " perform. But this, though the urgency '' of the cafe may be very great, is not by " any means fuffi<:ieni: to jullify the prac- " tice. There is a farther confideration which has a plaufible appearance, and may be thought to carry fome weight ; it is, that the merchant only purchafes thole who were flaves before, and pofTi- " bly may, rather than otherwife, render *' their fituation more tolerable. But it is *' well known, that the lot of our Slaves, when moft favourably confidered, is very hard and miferable; befides which, fuch a trade is taking the advantage of the ig- *' noranceand brutality of unenlightened na- « tions, who are encouraged to war with *' each other for this very purpofe, and, it " is to be feared, are fometimes tempted to " feize thofe of their own tribes or families '' that they may obtain the hoped for ad- " vantage : and it is owned, with regard to " our nierchants, that, upon occafion, they '' obferve the like pradices, which are
" thought
APPENDIX, No. I. 5
*^ thought to be allowable, becaufe they " are done by way of reprifal for theft *' or damage committed by the natives. We *' were pleafed, however, to meet with a *' pamphlet on the other fide of the quef- *' tion J and we entered upon its perufai *' with the hopes of finding fomewhat ad- " vanced which might afford us fatisfadion ** on this difficult point. The writer ap- " pears to be a fenfible man, and capable *' of difcu fling the argument •, but the li- *' mits to which he is confined, rendered " his performance rather iuperficiah The *' plea he produces from the Jewifh lav/ is " not, in our view of the matter, at all *' conclufive. The people of Ifrael were *' under a theocracy^ in which the Supreme *' Being was in a peculiar fenfe their King, *' and might therefore iffue forth fome or- " ders for them, which it would not be *' warrantable for another people, who were " in different circumftances, to oblerve. *' Such, for inftance, was the command " given concerning the extirpation of the *' Canaanites, whom, the fovereign Arbiter *' of life and death might, if he had pleafed, " have deftroyed by plague or famine, or ** other of thofe means which we term na- *' tural caufes, and by which a wife Provi- *' dence fulfils its own purpofes. But it *' would be unreafonable to infer from the
manner
6 APPENDIX, No. i.
" manner in vvhich the Ifraelites dealt with' " the people of Canaan, that any other n^- '' tions have a right co purfue the fame me- '' thod. Neiuher c ,n we imagine that St, ••' PauTs exhortation to fervants or flaves, " upon thvir converfion, to continue in the ^' fiate in which chriftianity found them, *' affords any argument favourable to the ^' practice here pleaded for. It is no more " than faying, that Chrifcianity did not '*^ particularly enter into the regulations of " civil lociety at that time ; that it taught '' perfons to be contented and diligent in " their ilations : but certainly it did not *' forbid them, in a proper and lawful way, ^-^ if it was in their power, to render their " circumftances more comfortable. Upon '* the whole, we mufl own, that this little " treatiieis not convincing to us, though, as ''• different perfons are differently afteded " by the fame confiderations, it may prove " more fatisfadlory to others."
' In another piace they obferve,' " finc^ '' we are all brethren^ and God has given to " <r//men a natural right to Liberty^ we al- " low of no Shivery among us, unlels a per- '' fon forfeits his freedom by his crimes."
' That Slavery is not confident with the ' Engliili conflitution, nor admifTable hx\ ' Great Britain, appears evidently by the ' late foiemn determination, in the court of
' King's
At' P END IX, No. I. ^
' King's Bench at Wellminfter, in the cafe
* of James Somerrer, the Negro •, and why ' it fhould be revived and continued in the ' colonies, pecplfd by the defcrndents of
* Britain, and blefl'ed with ientiments as
* truly noble ar;d free as any of their fellow
* lubjefls in the mother country, is not eafi-
* ly conceived, nor can the diflindlion be
* well founded,'
* If " natural rights, fuch as life and Li- " herty^ receive no additional ftrength from *' municipal laws, nor any human legijlatiire ** has power to abridge or deftroy them^ un- ** lefs the owner commits (ome ad that a- "mounts to a forfeiture-/' (a) ' If" the *' natural Liberty of mankind confifts proper- " ly in a power of a6ling as one thinks fit, *' without any reftraint or controul unlefs *' by the lazv of nature \ being a right inhe- *' rent in us hy lirth^ and one of the Gifts of *' God to man at his creation, when he en- " dued him with the faculty o^ free will:* (l) * If an a^^'i of Parliament is controulahle ' hy the laws of God and nature ; (c) ^nd in
* its confequences may be rendered void for
* abfurdity, or a fnanifeft contradi^ion to ' common reafon : (d) If " Chriftianity is a ^*^ part of the law of England ;" {e) and
" Chrift
(a) I Blackftone's Commentaries, 54. (^) Dit. 125. (c) 4 Bacon's Abridg. 639. (dj i Black. C^om. gi, (^^^ Stra. Reports, I113.
8 A P P E N D I X, No. I.
'Chrift exprefsly commands, " Whatfoever " ye would that men fhould do to you, do « ye even fo to them,'* ' at the fame time « declaring,' " for this is the law and the « law and the prophets ," (f) ' And if
* our forefathers, who emigrated from Eng-
* land hither, brought with them all the ' rights, liberties, and privileges of the ' Britifh conilitution- (which hath of late
* years been often afferted and repeatedly
* contended for by Americans) why is it ' that the poor footy African meets with fo
* different a meafure of juftice in England
* and America, as to be adjudged free in
* the one, and in the other held in the moflr
* abje5l Slavery ?
^ We are exprefsly retrained from mak-
* ing laws, " repugnant to," and directed
* to fafliion them, " as nearly as may be, *' agreeable to, the laws of England." ' Hence, and becaufe of its total inconfif.
* tency with the principles of the conftitu-
* tion, neither in England or any of the
* Colonies, is there one law diredlly in fa-
* vour of, or ena(5ling Slavery, but by a
* kind of fide-wind, admitting its exiilence,
* Cthough only founded on a barbarous
* cuftom, originated by foreigners) attempt
* its regulation. How far the point liti-
* gated in James Somerfet's cafe, would
• bear (a J Matt. vli. 12,
A P P E N D I X, No. i; 9
* bear a fober candid difculTion before an
* impartial judicature in the Colonies, I 'cannot determine; but, for the credit of
* my country, fhould hope it would meet
* with a like deciiion, that it might appear ' and be known, that Liberty in America, r is not a partial privilege, but extends to
* every individual ia it,'
' I Might here, in the language of the
* famous James Otis, Efq; ailc, " Is it ^' poffible for a man to have a natural right '' to make a Slave of himfelf or his poden- " ty ? What man is or ever v/as born free, *' if every man is not ? Can a father fuper-
r^' fede the laws of nature ? Is not every man
^.' born as free by nature as his father ? {a)
,*' There can be no prefcription old gCnough
*' to fuperfede the law of nature, and the
" grant of God Almighty, who has given
*' to every man a natural right to be free,
,f' {b) The Colonifts are by the law of na-
•<* ture free born, as indeed all men are,
" white or black. No better reafon can be
*^ given for the enQaving thofe of any co-
*• lour, than fuch as Baron Montefquieu has
" humouroufly affigned, as the foundation
" of that cruel Slavery exercifed over the
"poor Ethiopcans ; which threatens one
'' day to reduce both Europe and America
b " to
[a) I American Trads by Otis, 4* (h) Ameri-
can Truds by Otis, ijt
lo APPENDIX, No, I.
*' to the ignorance and barbarity of tlie " darkeft ages. Does it follow that it is *' right to enflave a man becaufe he is black ? " Will Ihort curled hair like wool, in (lead *' of chriflians hair, as it is called by thofe *' whofe hearts are hard as the nether mill- *' ftone, help the argument ? Can any lo- '' gical inference in favour of Slavery, be " drawn from a fiat nofeU a long or a fhort *' face ? Nothing better can be (aid in fa- " vour of a trade that is the mofr fliockino; *' violation of the laws of nature ; has a " dired: tendency to diminifn every idea of *' the ineftimable value of Liberty, and *' makes every dealer in it a tyrant, from " the dire6lor of an African company, to *' the petty chapman in needles and pins, '' on the unhappy coaft." {a)
' To Thofe who think Slavery founded in ' Scripture, a careful and attentive perufal
* of the Sacred Writings would contribute
* more than any thing to eradicate the er- ' ror', they will not find even the name of
* Slave once mentioned therein, and applied « to a fervitude to be continued from parent « to child in perpetuity, with approbation. « — The term ufed on the occafion in the ' facred text is Servant \ and, upon a fair
* conftruclion of thofe writings, there is no
* necefiity, nor can the fervice, confident
* with {a) American Trads, 43, 44.
APPENDIX, No. I. II « with the whole tenor of the Scripture, be ' extended further than the generation fpo-
* ken of ; it was never intended to include
* the pofterity.
' Thf miftaken proverb which prevailed
* in that early age, " The fathers had ea- " ten four grapes, and the childrens teeth " were fet on edge," was rectified by the prophets Jeremiah and Ezekiel, who de- clared to the people, than " they fhouldnoc
* have occafion to ufe that proverb any ' more \ — Behold all fouls are mine, as the ^ foul of the father, fo the foul of the fon, ' the foul that finneth it fhall die ^ — the fon ' fhall not bear the iniquity of the father, ' neither fhall the father bear the iniquity ' of the Ion; — the righteoufnefs of the ' righteous fhall be upon him, and the ' wickednefs of the wicked fhall be upon ' him. (/j) ' And the apoftle Peter afTures
us, after the afcenfion of our Saviour^ that ' God is no refpedler of perfons, but in ' every nation he that feareih him is ac- ' cepted of him." {b) ' It isalfo remark*
able, that at that time, an Ethiopian^ *' a ' man of great authority," (c) was ad»
mitied to the freedom of a Chriilian^
whatever we may think of the colour now,
^s being unworthy of it,
b 2 « But
(«) Jer. xxxi. 29. Ezek. xviii. 3, 4, and 20* {h) Ails X. 34. (c) Ditto, viii, 27.
12 APPENDIX, No. I.
* But admitting Slavery to be eilablllhed ^ by Scripture, the command of the Sove- reign Ruler of the univerfe, whofe eye takes in all things, and whd, for good reafons, beyond our compreheniion, might
juftly create a perpetual Slavery to effed: his own purpofes, againft the enemies of his chofen people in that day, cannot be pleaded now againfl any people on earth ; it is not even pretended to in juftification of Negro Slavery, nor can the fons of Ethiopia, wir/i any degree of clearnefs, be proved to have defcended from any of thofe nations who fo came under the Di- vine difpleafure as to be brought into fer- vitude; if they are, and thofe denuncia- tions given in the Old Teftament were perpetual, and continue in force, muft v/e not look upon it meritorious to execute them fully upon all the offspring of that unhappy people upon whom they fell, without giving quarter to any ?*
* Many v/ho admit the mdefenfibility of Slavery, confidering the fubjed rather too fuperficially, declare it would be im- politic to emancipate thofe we are pofTeffed of; and fay, they generally behave ill when fet at liberty. I believe very few of the advocates for freedom think that all ought to be manumatted, nay, think it would be unjuft to turn out thole who
' have
APPENDIX, No. I. 13
* have fpent their prime of life, and now ' require a ['upport ; but many are in a ' fit capacity to do for themfelves and the
* public ; as to thefe let every mailer or
* miilrefs do their duty, and leave confe- ' quences to the Difpofer of events, who,
* I beUeve, will always blefs our adions ifi ' proportion to die purity of their fpring.
* But many infcances might be given of ' Negroes and Mulatoes, once in Slavery, « who, after they have obtained their ii- « berty, (and fometimes even in a [late of « bondagej have given ftriking proofs of « their integrity, ngenuity, induiliv, ten-
< dernefs and nobility of mind -, of which, « if the limits of this httle Piece permit-
* ed, I could mention many examples •, and « v/hy inilanccs ot this kind are not more fre-^
< quent, we may very naturally impute to « the fmallnefs of the number tried with ' freedom, and the ferviiity and meannefs of
* their education whilft in Slavery. Let us
* never forger, that an equal if not a grea- ' ter proportion of our owu colour behave
* worfe with ail the advantages of birrh,
* education and circumdances ; and v;e
* (na.\[ bluOi to oppoie an equitable emanci- '< pation, by this or the like arguments.
" LiBtRTY, the mod manly and exalt- ^^ ing of the gifts of Heaven, confifcs in a ^^ free and generous exerciie of all the hu-
" man
14 A P P E N D I X, Na i.
*' man faculties as far as they are corrvpati- *' hie with the good of focieiy to which we *' belong *, and the mod delicious part of *^ tlie enjoyment of the ineftimable blefiing ^^ lies in a confcioufnefs that we z,xt free. ^ This happy perfuafion, when it meets '' with a noble nature, raifes the foul, and *' redlifiesthe heart ; it gives dignity to the *^ countenance and animates every word and •' gefture ; it elevates the mind above the " little arts of deceit, makes it benevolent, " open, ingenuous and juft, and adds a new *' relifh to evei-y better fentiment ot huma- *' nity." (a) On the coittrary, " Man is ^^ bereaved of half his virtues that day when '' he is caft into bondage." {b) *- The end of the chriPdan difpenfation,
* with which v^e are at pre fent. favoured, ap- ' pears in our Saviours word?,' " The fpi- *' rit of the Lord is upon me, becaufe lie *' harh anointed me to preach the golpel to ** the poor -, he hath fent me to heai the bra* ^^ ken hearted'^ to preach deliverance to the " captives •, and recovery oijightio the hlind-y "to fet at liberty them that are bruifed y to *' preach the acceptable year ojthe Lord.'^ (c)
' The Editor is united in opinion with the
* author of the EfTay, that llavery is contra-
* ry to the laws of leafon, and the principles
' of
(a) Bkckwell's Court of Aoguflus. (h) Homer. (cj Luke iv. i8.
APPENDIX, No. I. 15
« of revealed religion •, and believes it alike < inimical and impolitick in every ftatc and
* country •, for as " righteoufncfs exalceth a *' nation, fo fin is a reproach to any people."*
* (a) Hence whatever violates the purity ol: 'equal juilice, and the harmony of true li-
* berty, in time debafes the mind, and ulti-
* mately draws down thedifpleafure of that
* Almighty Being, who '• is of purer ^yes " than to behold evil, and cannot look on irll- *' quity ." (b) ' Yet he is far from cenfuring ' thofe who are not under the fame convic- ' tlons, and hopes to be underftood with cha-
« rity and tendernefs to ail. Every one docs . • * not fee alike the fame propofitions, who
* may be equally friends to truth, as our
< education and opportunities of knowledge ^ are various as our faces. He will candidly
* confels to any one who fhall kindly point
< it out: any error which in this inquiry hatli « fell from his pen. There can be but one
< beatific point of redicude, but many paths
* leading to it, in which perfons differing m ' modes and non-effentials, may walk with
* freedom to their own opinions ; we may « much more innocently be underainiftake,
< than continue in it after a hint given, «which occafions our adverting thereto •, for t it feems a duty to inveftigate the way of
^ truth
{a) Prov, xiv. 34. {&) Habakuk i, 13.
i6 APPEND! X, No, u
^ truth and juilice wiih our utmoil ability. ' A much moreextenfiveandperfed: view
* of the fubjed: under confideration, has of
* late prevailed than formerly ; and he be- ' lieves nothing is wanting but an impartial
* diiinterefted atrention to make flill greater ^ advances. Thus, by a gradual progreffion,
* he hopes the naQie of Slavery will be eradi- ' cated by the general voice of mankind in
* this land of Liberty.
' The mode of manumitting negroes in ' New- Je^fey is iuch as appears terrific, and
* amounts almoil to a prohibition, becaufe of ' its incumbering conlcquences, which few •prudent people chufe to leave their fa- ' miiies liable to. it is much eafier in fe- ' veral other colonies. In Pennfylvania a ' recognizance entered into in Thirty ' Pou DS to indemnify the townfhip, is a
* compleat dilcharge- In Mariland^ where
* Negroes are fo numerous, I am informed, ' the m ifter or miftrefs may at pleafure ' give Liberty to their flaves Vv^ichout the ' ieaft obligation, and be clear of any future « burden, iioth the'e are exceptionable^
* and may be improved. Proper diftindions « are neceilary ; for as the freedom of all 'gratis might be unjuilj not only to the « publick but the Slave : fo any clog upon
* the owner who gives up his right at an
* ac^e when he cannot have received much
* or any advantage from the labour of the
' individual
APPENDIX- No. I. 17
* individual, would be unreafonable. The ' wifdom of a legiflature earneftly difpofed
* to do good, will I hope be directed to fur-
* mount every little difficulty in pointing ' out a fcheme more equal and perfedt, by
* fleering a middle courfe ^, and proper care
* being kindly taken to affift and provide for
* the ufeful.nefs of thofe deferving objeds of
* benevolence, the approbation of Divine ' Providence will I doubt not, arrend fuch
* laudable endeavours, and crown them with
* fuccefs.— That the legiflative body of each ' province in America may give due arten-
* tion to this important engaging iubjed, ' and be blefled to frame and eftabliih a
* plan worthy of the united junfprudence, *wifdom, and benevolence of the G^Wi^;^^
* of Liberty, is the fincere wiili of
The ED I TOR.
AN
. ( i8 )
A N ESSAY on SLAVERY,
Proving from Scripture its inconfiften- cy, with Humanity and Pvcligion,
By Granville Sharp.
REVEREND author, Mr. Tho- mas Thompfon, M. A. has late- ly attempted to prove " that the Afri- *^ can trade for Negroe Slaves is con- ** fiftent with the principles of humanity ** and revealed religion y
From Leviticus xxv. 3910 46, he draws ?is principle concluiion, viz. ** that the « buying and felling of Slaves is not con- ** trary to the law of nature ^ for (fays
"he)
[ 19 ] '^ he) the yewiJJ:) conftitutions were <* ilriftly therewith confiftent in all ^^ points : and thefe are in certain cafes ** the rule by which is determined by *^ learned lawyers and cafuifts, what is, *' or is not, contrary to nature '* I have not leifure to follow this author me- thodically, but will, neverthelefs, ex- amine his ground in a general way ^ in order to prevent any ill ufe that may be made of it againft the important queftion now depending betore the judges, (a)
The reverend Mr. Thompfon's pre- mifes are not true^ for the JewiOi ' oa- ftitutions were not '•''JlriBly conf4%nt'^ with the law of nature in all pui.:i:.s, as he fuppofes, and confequently his prin- cipal conclujion thereupon is errcncuus. Many rhings were formerly tOierated among the Ifraeiites, -merely through
the
^a) Meaning I fuppofe, (fa^s the 4merkan t^ditor) the cai'e ojt Somerfet, which then aepenaed.
, [ 20 ]
the mercy and forbearance of Goi ia confideration of their extreme frailty and inai:ility, at that time, to bear a more perfedl fyftem of law. Other laws there are in the five books (befides the cer monial laws now abrogated) which are merely municipal y being adapted to the peculiar polity of the Ifraelitifh com- monwealth, on account of its fituation in the midft of the moft barbarous na- tions, whom the Hebrews were at all times but too much inclined to immi- tate.
The univerfal moral laws and thofe oi natural equity are, indeed, every where plentifully interfperfed among the peculiar laws abovementioned ; but they may very eafily be diftinguiihed by every fincere Chriftian, who examines them with a liberal mind , becaufe the benevolent piirpoje of the Divine Author
is
[ 21 ]
IS always apparent in thofe laws which are to be eternally binding ; for ** it is ** tloe reafon of the law which confti- <^ tutes the life of the law^'' according to an allowed maxim of our own country, "Ratio Legis eft anima Legis," (Jenk. Cent: 45.) And with refpeifl to thefe moral 2ir\A equitable laws, I will readily agree with the Reverend Mr. Thomp- fon, that they are the beft rule by which <^ learned judges and cafuifts can deter- " mine what is, or is not, contrary to ** naturer
But I will now give a few examples of laws, w4iich are in themjelves contra- ry to nature or natural equity^ m order to ihew that Mr. Thompfon's /?r^;/;f)/?/ are totally falfe :
The Ifraelites v^tvQQ.x^^t(s\y permitted by the law of Mofes to give a bill of di- vorce
[22 ]
vorce to their wives whenever they pleafsd, and to marry other 'xomen ; and the women who were put away, were alfo exprefsly permitted, by the Mofaic law, to marry again^ during the lives of their former hufoands.
All which pradices were manifeft- ly contrary to the law of nature in lis purity, though not perhaps to the nature ofour corrupt nffeBions and defires ; for Chrift himfelf declared, that *^ from the ** beginning it was not Jo, ''M3.it. xix 8, 9, and at the fame time our Lord infor- med the Jews, that " Mofes, becaufe " of the hardne/s of their hearts, fuffered <« them to put away their wives."
Neither was it accordiug to the law of nature, that the Jews were permitted in their' behaviour and dealings, to make a partial diHindion between their
brethren
I n !
irethren of the houfe of Ifrael, and ftrangers. Tins national partiality was not, indeed, either commanded or re- commended in their law — bat it was clearly permitted o^ tolerated, and pro- bably, for the fame reafon as the 1 aft mentioned inftance — " thou Jhalt not *' lend upon ufury to tby brother,'' &c. —
" unto a ftra?2ger thou mayeft lend upon *« 7dfury &c. Deut. xxiiu 19. — Again-—
** of a foreigner thou mayeji exa5l \' (that is, whatfoever has been lent, as ap- pears by tht^ preceding verfes) but that which is, *« thine, with thy brother^ I' thine hand fliall releafe," Deut. xv. 3
Now all thefe laws were " contrary to the law of nature' or *^ ?iatural equi^ ty," (whatever Mr, Thompfon, may think) and were certainly, annulled or rather fuper/eded, as it were, by the more perfedl dodrines of univerfal be- nevolence taught by Chrift himfelf, who
*^ came
[ 24 ] ** came 7iot to dejlroy^ but to fulfill the law^
In the law of Mofes we alfo read, ** Thou {halt not avenge or bear grudge *' againil the children of thy people but *^ thou fbalt love thy neighbour as thy^ ^^felfy' Leviticus xix, i8.
The Jews, accordingly, thought themfelves fufficiently juftiiied, if they confined this glorious perfedion of cha- rity, VIZ. the loving others as themfelves, to the perfons mentioned in the fame verfe, viz. *^ the children of their ^ own *^ people ;'* for they had no idea that fo much love could poffibly be due to any other fort of ?2eighbours or brethren. But Chriil: taught them by the parable of the good Samaritan, that all fir angers •whatever even thofe who are declared enemies, (as were the Samaritans to the Jews) are to be efteemed our neigh-*
bours
[ 25 ]
boun or brethren^ whenever they fland in need of our charitable affiftance.
" The Jewiih inftitution" indeed, as Mr. Thompfon remarks '* permited the *^ ufe of bondfervants,'* but did not per- mit the ^<?W^^^ of brethren; Stran- gers ONLY could be lawfully retain- ed as bondmen--^ — " of the heathen," (or, more agreeable to the Hebrew .words, CUnjn t\^^ of the nations) '* that ** are round about you; oi themihdW yz " buy bond men and bond maids. More- over of the children oijlrangers that do fojourn among you, of them jhall
ye buy^* &CC. " Tl^^ fhall be your
** bondmen for ever J" Lcvit, xxv 39 to
46
This was the law, I muft acknow- ledge, with refpeft to ajlranger that was pur chafed p but with refped: to^ brother
d ©r
it
[ 26 1
or Hebrew of the feed of Abraham, it was far otherwife, as the fame chapter teftifies ;. (39th verfe) for, " if thy bro- * ther that dwelleth by thee be waxen '^ poor, and hzfold unto thee j thou Jhalt " ?2ot compel bim toferveas a bondjei'vant: '^ but as an hired fervant, and as a fo- '^journer he fliall be with thee, and *« fliall ferve thee unto the year of ju- " bilee. And then Jlmll he depart from ** thce^ both he and his children with himy^ &CQ. This was the utmoji fervitude th2Lt a Hebrew could lawfully exadl: from a- ny of his brethren of the houfe of Ifrael, unlefs the fervant entered voluntarily mio a perpetual fervitude : and, let me add, that it is alfo, the vefy utmoji fervitude that can lawfully be admitted among 'chrijiians: becaufe we are bound as chiiftians to efteem every man as our brother y and as our neighbour ^ which I have already proved; fo that thi^ confequence
which
[ 27 3 which I have drawn, is abfolutely un^ a%mdabk^ The Jews indeed, who do not yet acknovv^lege the commands of Chrift, may perhaps fiill think them- felves jujlijied by the law of Mofes, in making partial diftindions between their brethren of Ifrael, and other men ? but it would he ine^cii fable in chriftians to do fo! and therefore I conclude, that we cert'ainly have no right to exceed the limits offervitude, which the Jews were bound to obferve, whenever their poor brethren were fold to them : and I ap- prehend that we muft not venture e'ven to go Jo far, becaufe the laws of brother^ ly love are infinitely enlarged^ and ex- tended h^ the gofpel of peace, which proclaims " good will towards men,'* without diftinftion ; and becaufe we cannot be faid to " love our neighbours " as ourfelves " or to do to others as we would they Jhould do unto us" "—whWd we
d 2 retain
[ 28 ]
retain them againft their will^ in a def- picable fervitude ^.sjlaves^ zndi private property^ or mere chattels !
The glorious fyftem of the gofpel deftroys all narrow, national partiality ; and makes us citizens of the worlds by obliging us to profefs univerfal benevo^ knee : but more efpecially are we bound, as chriftians, to commiferate and affift to the utmoft of our power all perfons in dijlrefsy or captivity ; whatever " the '* worjhipful covamititQ of the compa- ** ny of merchants trading to Africa" may think of it, or their advocate, the reverend Mr. Thompfon.
Charity, indeed, begins at home; and we ought mofl certainly to give the preference to our own countrymen, whenever we can do fo without injuf-
tice y but we may *^ not do evil that
*^ good
[ 29 1
«* good may come ;'' (though our ftatef- men, and their political deceivers may- think otherwife) we muft not, for the fake of Old Englandy and its African trade, or for the fuppofed advantage,, or imaginary neceffities of our American colonies, lay alide our chrijlian charity, which we owe to alltherejl of mankind: becaufe, whenever we dofo, we certain* ly deferve to be confidercd in no better light than as an overgrown fociety of robbers, a mere banditti^ who, per- ^haps, may love one another, but at the fame time are at enmity with all the re/l of the world. Is this according to the
law of nature? For fhame Mr.
Thompfon !
I HAVE much more to communi- cate, but no more time to write :— if I had, I could draw from the fcriptures
the
[ 3° ]
the moft alarming examples of God's fevere judgtnents upon the Jews, for tyrannizing over their brethren, and, exprefsly, for exceeding the limifs of Jervitude juft now mentioned, (a) I mull find time however to adopt one obferva- tion even from the reverend Mr.Thomp- fon, (p. II.) viz* " This fubjeft will ** grow more ferious upon our hands, ** when we coniider the buying and fell-- «« ing Negroes, not as a clandeftine or *' piratical bufinefs, but as an open pub- *^ lie trade, encouraged and promoted hy ^* ads of parliament ; for fo, if being ** contrary to religion, 1 1 mujl be deemed A *' NATIONAL SIN j [b) and asfuch may
*' have
(a) This I have fince accompliftied in a traft, inti- tuled, "The Law of Retribution, ISc
(h) If this jufl remark by Mr. Thompfony be com* pared with the above mentioned tradl on the La^w of Retribution J (wherein the ufual courfe of God'i judge:
meats
[ 3' ]
«< have a confequence that would h *^ always to be dreaded''' May God give us grace to repent of this abominable ** NATIONAL SIN," before it is too late! If I have vindicated the law of Mo- fes, much eafier can I vindicate the be-* nevolent apoftlePaul, from Mr. Thomp- fon's inlinuat/ons, with refped: to flave- ry ; for he did not entreat PhilemoH. to take back his fervant Onejimus, " in his *' former capacity," as Mr. Hhompfon has afferted, in order to render bond- age '* confijlent with the principles of re- *' vealed religion y* — but St. Paul faid exprejly, " not now zs a fervant, but^
" above
ments againft natioi^s, is fairly demonftrated by a variety of unquellionable examples in the fcriptures,) it will appear that nothing but a thorough reformation
with refped to the faid *^ national sin," can afford us the leaft room e'ven to ho^e that this nation, may efcape the trsmendous eiFefts of G O D S temporal VE:^^GEANCE now dreadfully han^fng over as '
[ 32 3
** above afervant^ a brother belovedy'(a) Sec. So that Mr. Thompfon has notori- oufly wrefted St. FaiiV^ words.
In the other texts where St. Paul recommends fubmiffion to Servants^ for confcience-fake, he at the fame time enjoins the mafter to entertain fuch a meafure of brotherly love towards his fervants, as muft be entirely fubverfive of the African trade, and JVeJi-Indian
flavery.
(a) This fingle circumflance one would think a fuf- ficient bar to the inferences drawn from this epiftle, in favour of flavery, by the reverend Mr. Thomp/on, and others ; and yet even the learned Archbifliop TheopJr^ la5i feemcd inclined to admit the fame fuppofed right if the majier. In the preface to his commentary on this epiftle, where he gives a fhort account of the ufe and purport of it, and of thedoftrines which may be deduced from fit, (he fays) Tprov, on a x?"^ 'mpoipacrfi £t/Xa*o£ias ^aXa? u'^aoa-'sxoit tup ^Ecr'croTwv [/,*] ^aXofAErutt* thirdly. That it is not ft, through pretence of piety, i& ira'vj a'w ay fer varus from mafers, that are mi^illing Ho
part
[ 33 ]
flavery. And though St. Paul, recom- mends chriftian patience under fervi- tude, yet, at the fame time, he plain- ly inlinuates, that it is inconfiflent with
e chriftianity,
^art nvifh fhem" But though the apoAle declared, indeed, to Philemon the mailer, (v. 14.) «« wotthout thy mindy ixiould I do nothing ;" &c. yet this by no means proves the right of the mafter, but only that this apodle, in love and courtefy to Philemon^ defired, that •* the benefit" which he required of him, ** Jhould noths as it nvere of necejjtty^ hut ivillingly,''^ (ver. ia.) for the apoP.Ie's r/g-^/ to have retained Qnefimusy even nuithout the mafier's confent, is fufficiently implied in a preceding verfe, (viz. 8.) ** though I mitrht ht much bold in Chrifi, to enjoin^ (or command) " thee that nvhich is convenient, letj (faid the apoflle,) '*fsr LOVE'S SAKE, / rather hefeech^ &c. And a further reafon for his not commanding, is alfo declared, viz. that he depended on the willing obedience of Phile- mon. " Having confidence (faid he) in thy obedience, I iwrote unto thee, kno^ng that thou nvilt alfo do more than I fay,'''' And yet that which he really did fayy or re- quire in behalf of Onefimusy was as ftrong a recom- mendation
[ 34 ] chriftianlty, and the dignity of Chrift's kingdom, that a chrijlian brother ihould
be
mendation X.o fu'vour zn^ fuperior kmdnefs as could be exprefTed. He required him to receive Onejifnus^ *' not new as afer'vantj but abo've afewanty as a brother helo'ved'^ Slc. (i6 verfe.) that " if he hath wronged thee, or owETH OUGHT," (^ oipEi^ei, in which expreffion even the Tuppofed debt of fer<vice may be included,) *' put that on 7ny account^" (faid the apoftle, ver. i8.) which muft be a complete difcharge of all the mailer's temporal demand; on Ovefmus ; a^nd therefore it is a flrange perverfion of the apoille's meaning to cite this epiUle, in favour of fla-uery, when the whole tenor of it is in behalf of the^^x'^ / But there is Hill a fur- j ther obfervation neceffary to be made, which puts the jnattcr out of difpute.
Theophylad, himfelf, allows that Onejimus (at the very .i lime he was fent back,) was a minifter of the gofpely or Si j/iinifer of preaching (Ta >'-»jpt.y^aT05, J) which is an
office
Jc^ ccvTo^ ecya-Triq s^i' But that he fhould iend him back again, to the fcr-vice of prcochingy cf which he is a labourer, for minif- ter J CciXiir.enc on the iR, verfc, page 863. edit. Londonj
[ 35 ]
be a Slave. ** Can'ft thou be made " free ?" (fays he to the chriilian fervants) " choofe it ratbery for he that is called *' of the Lord, being a fervant^. is the " freeman of the Lord ; and, in like e 2 ** manner.
office of the facred miniftry, not beneath the big order in the church, for it was the principal employ- ment even of the apoftle himfelf.
And this opinion of Theophyla^, is corroborated by a variety of circumftances. By theepiflls to the Co' lojjtansy it appears that Onejtmus was joined with Tycbi" £uSf (therein declared to be a minijier,) \\ in an ecclejtaf-
tkal
\ *■ Allmy fiate Jhall Tychicus declare unto you, ('who h) ahe-
* loved brother, A faithful minister and fellow servant *IN THE LORD; ivhotn I have jent unto you for the fame purpofe^ thai ' he might Ksow your estate, and comfort your hearts ^ith Onesimus, a faithful and beloved brothef" ^by which it is apparent that OneRmus was joined in the fame fervices, " to know
THEIR ESTATES AND COMFORT THEIR HEARTS,'* an offjce
that would have very ill become him, had he been fent back to his mafter as a slave, or as Mr. Thcmpfon fays ' in his former 'capacity!^' '* ivbois one of you. They(\hzt is 'Tychicus zai One-^ fimus, jointly ) Jhall make known unto you all things which (axs done J here," Colofs' iv. 7. 9.
C 36 ]
^* manner, he that is called, being free^ *« i^ thQ fervant of Chriji,'* — " Te are " bought with a prices be not there-
" FORE THE SERVANTS OF MEN.'*
The apoftle, indeed, had juft before
recom-
tkal commijfion from the apodle to the church of the
Coloffiansy at the very time that he was fent back to Philemon , § and it would furely have ill become the
apoflle to fend back One/imus,then a minijier of the gofpeU to ferve his mader Phikmont in his former capacity,
(that is as a slave) which is the doflrine prefumed in page 18, of the reverend Mr. Thompfon'^ tracl ; Mr. Thompfony as a clergyman, ought to have confidered, that this would not have been for the credit of the gofpel minifry. But Onsfimus was not only a minijier ^ and preacher, but afterwards even a bijhop, which will by no nieans fuit with Mr. Thojnpfon's dodrine. The learned bilhop Felly teftified from the authority o^ the ancientst that this Onefmus was a bifhop. " Onefmu/*
fays
^ Lu3ov, Capellus, remarks that thefe epiftles, (viz. to the CoJof- f.am and to Philemon) were wrote, ^and confeque«tIy fent^ at the fame time . and after afTigning feve'-al reasons for his opinion, concludes as follows, " Ex hh itaque, C^ys he) liquere puto utramquc Epijio- lamjlmul todtm tempore fuiJJ'e jcr'iptam,^^ Hift, Apoft, illuft. page 79. cd Gene'va, 1634,,
[ 37 ] recommended to his diiciples to abide in the fame callings wherein they were called, and, ** being fervants^ not to care for it :' That is, not to grieve on account of iheir temporal ftate ; (for if, inftead of thus tx\\oming fuvmijjion^ he had abfolutely declared //J.? iniquity of Slavery, tho* ejlablijhed and au- thorizedi by the laws of t e :mp or al gov txn- ments, he would have occafioned more
tumuli
(fays he in his commentary on Coliolf. iv, 5 ) '■^ few ant t§ Philemon, a chief ?nan in ColoJJe. The aniieiits fey that he fucceeded Timothy^ in the bishop?.icil of Ephe- fus.^^ And the great archbifhop UJher, makes exprefs mention of Onefmiis in that hifbcprick, from the au- thority both of Eufebius and Ignatius ^ (fee his little trad de Epifcoporum et Metropolitanorurn On- gine, p. 9. ed. Lond» 1687O So that though Faul mentions to Phileinon the receiving Onesimus for. EYEVi {that thou Jhouldef receive hi^v OK BY Y.tLJ^ \tv 15 ) yet ir would be moll unreafonable to conceive that the apoftle meant that he Ihould receive hini for ever -^s A SLAVE ! The feveral circumUances I have mention- ed, dsmoniUata the contfAry.
[•38 ]
tumult than reformation among the multitude of Slaves, more ftrivinpr for temporal than fpiritual happinefs ; yet it plainly appears, by the infinua- tions, which immediately follow, that he thought it derogatory to the honour of chriftianity, that men, who " are *^ bought^* with the ineftimable price of Chrijfs blood, fliould be efteemed fervants y that is, the Slaves, and pri- vate property of other men ; and had chriftianity been eftablifhed by tempo^ ral authority, in thofe countries where Faul preached, as it is at prefent in thefe kingdoms, we need not doubt but that he would have iirgedy nay, compelled the mafters, as he did Phik'^ mon, by the moft preffing arguments, to treat their quondam flaves, " not
*« NOW AS SERVANTS, BUT ABOVE
*' SERVANTS AS BRETHREN BE-
" LOVED,"
A N
[ 39 J
A N
ELEGY
On the mifcrable STATE of an African SL AVE, by the celebrated and ingeni- ous William Shenstone, Efq;
— — O E E the poor native quit the Lybian ihores,
k3 -^^ • r^ot iti love's deligbtTul fetters bound ! No radiant fmile his dying peace reftores.
Nor love, nor fame, nor friendihip heals his wound.
Let vacant bards difplay their boalled woes. Shall I the mockery of grief difplay ?
No, let the mufe his piercing pangs cifclofe. Who bleeds and weeps his {"urn of life away !
On the wild beach in mournful guife he flood. Ere the fhril boatfwain gave the hated fign ;
He dropt a tear unfeen into the flood ; He flole one fecret moment, to repine.
Yet
[ 40 ]
Yet the mufe HRen'd to the plaints he made j Such moving- plaints as nature could in{plre ; To me the mule his tender plea conve. 'd, . Bni firiOOth'd, and fuited to the founding lyre.
** Why am I ravidi'd from my native ihand ?
What favage race protedts this impious gain ? Shall foreign plagues infcii this teeming land.
And more than fea-born monftsrs plough the main ?
Kere the dire locufls horrid fwarms prevail ;
Here the blue afps with livid pcifoxq fwell; Here the dry dipfa ivriths his iinuous mail;
O can we not here, fecure from envy, dwell ?
When the grim lion urg'd bis cruel chace,
Wuen the Aern panther fought his midnight prey.
What fate referv*d me 'or this chriftian race ? O race more poliili'd, more (Qvcre than they !
Ye prouling wolves purfue my latefl cries !
Thou hungry tyger, leave thy reeking den ! Ye fandy waites in rapid eddies rife !
O tear me from the whips and fcorns of men I
Yet in their face fuperior beauty glows ;
Are fmiles the mein of rapine and of wrong? Yet from their lip the voice of mercy flows.
And ev'n religion dwells upon their tongue.
Of blifsful haunts they tell, and brighter climes. Where gentle minds convey'd by death repair.
But fta'in'd with blood, and crimfonM o'er with crimes Say, {hall they merit what they paint fo fair ?
No, carelefs, hopelefs of thofe fertile plains, Pvich by our toils, and by our forrows gay.
They ply our labours, and enhance our pains. And feign thzk dillant regions to repay.
For
[ 4M
For them onr tuflcy elephant expires ;
For them we drain the mine's embovvel*d gold ; Where rove the brutal nations wild deiires ? — »^ Gur limbs are purchas'd, and our life is fold I
Yet fhores there are, bleft (hores for us remain. And favour'd illes with golden fruitage crownM,
Where tufted flow'rets paint the verdant plain. Where ev'ry breeze Ihall med'cine ev'ry wound.
There the ftern tyrant that embitters life Shall vainly fuppliant, fpread his alking hand ;
There fliall we view the billow's raging ftrife, Aid the kind breaft, and waft his boat to land.'*
'^ * # * e^
# # # *
A P P E N^
APPENDIX
( No. 2. )
Extrad: of a Letter from a Gentleman in Maryland^ to his Fiiend in Lon- don.
UT whether I fhall go thither or ' return home, 1 am yet undeter- mined ; indeed, no where fhall I (lay long from England, for I had much ra- ther enjoy the bare neceffaries of life there, than the mod affluent circumftan- ces in this country of mod wretched Sla- very ; which alone would render the life of any humane man mod miferable. There are four things under the Sun, which I equally abhor and abominate, viz. Slavery (under which I comprehend all cruelty, opprefTion and injuftice) and licentioufnefs^ fride and impudence^ all which abound here in a monftrous de- gree. - ' The punifhments of the poor negroes and convids, are beyond all conception, being entirely fubjedl to the will of their
' favage
A P P E N D I X, No. 2. 43
favage and brutal matters, they are often punifiied for not doing more than ftrength and nature will admit of, and fometimes becaufe they can'c on every occafion fall in with their wanton and capricious hu- mours. One common punifliment, is to flea their backs with cow hides, or other inilruments of barbatity, and then pour on hot rum, fuperinduced with brine or pickle, rub'd in with a corn hull<, in the fcorching heat of the Sun. For cer- tain, if your judges were fenfible of the fhocking treatment of the convicts here, they would hang every one of them, as an infinitely lefs punifhment, and tranf- port only thofe, whofe crimes deferve the fevereft death. Better be hanged feven hundred times, than ferve feven years here ! and there is no redrefs, for magif- trates and all are equally interefted and criminal. If I had a child, I had rather fee him the humbleft fcavenger in the ftreets of London, than the loftieft ty- rant in America^ with a thoufand flaves at his beck.' — —
f 2 APPElSr-
APPENDIX,
_____
A Letter from Granville Sharp, to ya- cob Bryant, Efq; concerning the Defcent of the Negroes.
SIR,
Have conceived a very high opinion ' of your abilities, by periifing your
* Jcarned account of Egypt, and the Sbep- ' herd Kings, &c. and as you feem to have
* ftudied, very particularly, the hiftory of ' the Cufeans and antient Arabians, you
* can (\ apprehend) eafily refolve fome
* doubts, relating thereto, which occurred ' to me on reading your book.
' I HAD always fuppofed that black men ^ in general were delc^nded from Cujh, be-
* caufe a diftin(51;ion in colour from the reft ' cf mankind, feems to iiave been particu-
* larly attributed to his defcendants, the Cu- ' jhim^ even to a proverb.' " Can the Cujhi *' (commoniy rendered Ethiopian) change his '* Shn^^ ^c, (Jeremiah, xiii. 23.) and
' therefore
APPENDIX, No. 3. 45
* therefore I concluded that all negroes^
* as well Eqft bidian as African^ are en- ' titled to the general name of Cujhlm^ « as being, probably, defcended fronri dif- ' ferent branches of the fame (lock, be- ' c^ufe the proverb is equally applicable to ' both, with refpedl: to their completion,
* tho' in many refpe^s they are very dif-
* ferent. But in p. 254, of your learned
* work, where you are fpeaking of the Cu-
* feans in general, you fay, that they are '' to be found within the tropics, almoiJ: *' as low as the Gold coaft," &c. as if you ' apprehended, that the negroes on the
* Gold coali, and below it, w^rs not h- ' fc ended from Cu/h.
' Now, Sir, I fhall think myfelf greatly ' obliged^ if you will be pleaied to inform
* me, whether you really have any particu^
* lar reafon to apprehend that the negroes
* pn the coall of Guinea ffrom whence our ' plantations are moft commonly fuppliedj ^ are defcended from any other flock ? Or
* whether their defcentcan at all be traced ?
' Iam far from having any particular
* efteem for the negroes, but as I think
* my{t\^ ohUged to confider them as Men^ ' I am certainly obligedy alio, to ufc my bell ' endeavours to prevent their being treated ' as heafts^ by our unchriftian countrymen, ' who deny them the privileges of human
* Nature j and, in order to excufe their
' own
4^ APPENDIX, N0.3.
* own ^r/^/^///y, will fcarceJy allow that
negroes are human Beings. ^ ; The tracing their defcent, therefore, ■^ IS a point of feme confequence to the;
iubjed, in which I am now eneaeed for ' their defence/ * ^ * * ^ ^
I am, SIR,
Your mofl obedient,
U/a Jenvry,
19th oar, 1772. humble Servant
GRANVILLE SHARP.
Jacob Bryant, Efq;
APPENDIX
( No. 4. )
Mr. Brya?2t's Anfvver ta the foregoing Letter.
Cypenham, 20th OSlr. 1 772.
S 1 R,
MOST Tincerely wifli you fuccefs iit . yonr laudable purpofe : and am very r glad to find in thefe bafe times, that there . is a perfon, who will ftand up in defence ' of human nature ; and not fuifer it to be
* limited to a fet of features and complexion.
* There is nothing, I believe, in my wri-
* tings, that can affeft any argument, ' which you may think propsr to urge in
* favour of thofe, whom you v/ould patro- ' nize. But to take away all embarraf-
ment, and uncertainty, I w'iil give you my opinion upon the fubjcfl, which you have flared to me in your letter, in refpe£l; to the origin of the Nigritac or Negroes. You feem x.o think, ihat all, who are of that very deep tint, which is
' obferVablc
4S APPENDIX, No. 4.
f obfervable in the natives upon the coad
* of Guinea, are the offspring oi Chits :
* and all black men in general are of the
* fame origin. To this I take the liberty ''"to anfwer, that all the natives of Africa ^ are more or lefs Iwart : and even am.ong ^ the negroes there are a great variety of
* tints, from a light copper colour to the
* darkeft black. All tiie inhabitants of
* this vaft continent are afTuredly the fons of
* Ham : but not equally delcended from
* C^us, For though his pofterity was very ' dark^. yet many of the collateral branches ' were of as deep a die: and Africa was
* peopled from Ham^ by more families
* than one. It was pofiefTed by fome of ' them, as there is good grounds to fur-
* mife, before the Cu/hites came into Egypt. *- We learn from fcripture, that Ham had ' four Ions, Chns^ Mizraim^ Phut and C^-
* naan^ Gen. x. v. 6. Canaan occupied ' Falefline, and the country called by his *- his name : Mizraim Egypt : But Phta ^ pafTed deep into^nV^, and, 1 believe,
* moft of the nations in that part of the
* world are defcended from him : at lead
* rnore than from any other perfon.
* y^fephfis ia}'s, " that Phut was the foun- " der cf the nations in Lihya^ * and the
" people
♦ Sec Jofeph'is, Antq. lib. 1 €,7,
APPENDIX, No. 4. 49
*' />^£?/>/f were from him called^ (^aroi) " Phuii." By L;^;-^ he underftands, as the
* Greeks did, Africa in general : for the
* particular country, called Lihya proper,
* was peopled by the Lubim^ or Lehabimy ' one of the branches from Mizraim^ Aa^istU
* 3| oy AiQveg, Chron. Pafchale, p. 29.
* The Tons of Pbut^ fettled in Maurita- ' «/^, where was a country called Phuiia^
* and a river of the like denomination. *' Mauritaniae Fluvius ufque ad pr^efens
tempus Phut dicitur, omnifque circa eum regio Phutenjis, (Hierons. Tradic.
Hebrasae.) Amnem, quem vocanc
Put :" (Pliny, lib. 5. c. i.) —Some of this family fettled above Kgypt, near Ethi- opia, and were ftiled Troglodytas. OouJ e^ ov TpcoyXo^vToii Syncellus p. 47. Many of them pafled inland, and peopled the Mediterranean country. In procefs of time, (after their expulfion from Egypt J the fons of Chus made fettlements upon the fea coaft of Africa^ and came into Mauritania, Hence we find traces of them alfo in the names of places, fuch as Churis, ChufareSy upon the coaft : and a river Cufa^ and a city Cotta^ together with a promontory Cotis in Mauritania^ all denominated from Chus ; who at dif- ferent times and by different people was cal'ed Chus^ Cuth, Co/h and Cotis. The river Cuja is mentioned by Pliny^ lib. 5.
g ' c. I
so APPENDIX, No. 4.
c, I. and by Ptolomey. Many ages after
thefe fettlemcnts, there was another ir-
' ruption of the Cujhites into thefe pans,
' under tjie name of Saracens * and Moors ;
* who aver ran Africa^ to the very extre-
* mlties of mount Atlas. They paffed
* over, and conquered Spain to the north : ' and they extended themfeives fouthward,
* as I faid in my treatilej to the rivers Sene- ' gal and Gambia^ and as low as the Gold
* Cpaft. 1 mentioned this, becaufe I do ^ not think, that they proceeded much far^ ' ther : moft of the nations to the fouth ' being, as i imagine, of the raceofPfe. ' The very country upon the river Gambia
* on one fide, is at this day called Phuia^ of
* of which Bluets in his hiftory oi Jula Ben ' Solomon^ gives an account.
' It is not poflible to difcriminate at thi$
* asra of time the feveral cads among the
* black nations, but I fhould think, that
* we may be pretty certain, that they were
< not all Cufhim^ or Ct4fea^is. The Negroes ' are woolly headed •, and fo were fome of «• the MtUops or Cujhim : but nothing can ' be inferred from this : for many of the
< latter had long hair, as we learn from He^ ' rodolusy lib. 7. c, 70. iSvr^ix^g* We
'find
• ^ery, — Whether the Saracens may not rather be faid to be of the line of Shem^ as being defcended from Ahrabam ?' — Though indeed, both the moihw M^d the. wife Of JJkma^K were Egyptians*
APPENDIX, No. 4. 3 1
* find from Marcellinus^ that the Egyp- ^ tians were Crijpi^^ and had a tendency to ' woolly hair : fo that thiscirGumftance can- "* not always be looked upon as a fafniiy
* charadleriftic.
^ This, Sir, is my opinion corteerning
* the people in qneilion, which I iiib-mit to
* your conliderarian, merely as matter of
* opinion : for I cannot pretend to fpeak *. with certainty. It makes very htule dif- ''^fe fence in refpe^t to mt good caufe, ^ which your humanity prompts you to ef-
* poufe, whether the Nigrlt^ are PhutianSy
* or Cufhites. They are certainly the Ions ^ of Hm7i : and, what is more to the pur-
* pofe^ they are the workmanfhip of God,
* formed la his image witn a living Soul;
* as well as ourfelves. Confequently they ' deferve better treatment, than they have ' generally experienced from thofe, who 'look upon themfelves, as more enlighten- ' ed, and poiTefTed of a greater degree of ' humanity. I join with you fincerely in
* detefting the cruel traffic : and am, with
* great truth, S I R,
Your mod obedient;
and mofl humble Servant,
J A C O B B R Y A N T.
* P. ^;. You- are pledfed to obferve, that ' a dijiin^ion in- cgIout frofn the refi of man-
■■ ' ' ' kind
5Z APPENDIX, No. 4.
kij^d feems to have been particularly attri- buted to the defcendants of the CuJIjim. They certainly were very dark : but fo were all the fons of Ham. And it is difficult to fay, who were the darkeft, as it was a circumftance depending upon the fituation of the people ipoken of, and upon many occult caufes. The fame family in differ- ent parts varied from itfelf, asl have fhewn from Herodotus, The facred writers fpeak of the Cujhi's complexion particularly, be- caufe they were mod acquainted with it, as being very near Sher,t^ There were fe- veral regions, called Cujhan or Mthiofia^ one of which was upon the confines of Judaea^ near Amakc and Edom \ but flill nearer to Midian, Hence the prophet Hablakuh fays in a vifion, — " / Jaw the ' tents of Cufhan in affliSiion^ and the cur- ' tains of Midian did trembled C. iii. v. 7, Thefe were the Araba Cufhitce\ with whom the Jfraelites were moft acquainted. Of the fons of Phut^ and of the Ludim^ Lehahim^ and other defcendants of Ham^ in Africa^ they had probably little or no cognizance, excepting only the Mizrainiy and the jEthiopians immediately above thfm to the fouth of Syene, With thefe they were acquainted. Should it be in my power to give you any farther fatisfac- tion, I fhall be very proud of your com- mands. ******
^The
APPENDIX, No. 4. 5^
* The whole of what you mention, that all Moors, Negroes, and black perfons are from one common flock is moft aiTuredly true, if you make the head of that family Ham^ inltead of Ckis, One remove higher makes every thing (Iridly confonanc to the truth.'
*
APPEN-
APPEND I X,
( No. 5. )
The Regulations lately adopted by the Spaniards^ at the Havanna, and feme other Places, for the gradual enfran^ chi/ement of Slav es^ are to the follow- ing EfFeft.
' A ^ -foon as a flave is landed, his
* £\ name, price, ^c. are regidered in
* a public regifter -, and the mafter is oblig-
* cd, by law, to allow him one working day^ « in every week, to himfelf, heftdes Sundajs •, ^ io that, if the flave chufcs to work for his
* mafter on that day, he receives the wages ^ cf a freeman for it ; and whatever he gains
* by his labour, on that day, is fo fecured to
* him by law, that the mafter cannot de-
* prive him of it. This is certainly a con- ' fiderable ftep towards the abojifhing alfo-
* liiU fiavery. As foon as the flave is able ' to purchafe another working day^ the maf-
* ter is obliged to fell it to him at a propor- ^ itonable price, i:lz, one fifth part of his
* original
APPENDIX, No. 5. S5 original cod ; and fo, likewife, the re- maining four days, at the fame rate, as foon as the (lave is able to redeem them ; after which be is ahfolutely free : This is fuch encouragement to indiiftry, that even the moft indolent are tempted to exert themfelves. Men, who have thus work- ed out- their freedom, are enured to the ' labour of the country, and are certainly" the moft ufeful fubjedis that a colony cari" acquire. Regulations might be formed upon the fame plan to encourage the in- duftry of flaves that are already imported into the^ colonies^ which would tea-ch them how to maintain themfelves, and be as ufefuh ^s well as lefs expenfive to the plan- ter. They would by fuch means become members of fociety, and have an intereft in the welfare of the community -, which would add greatly to the ftrength and fe- curity of each colony : whereas, at pre-- fent, many of the plantations are in conti' nual danger of leing cut off hy their Jlaves^ a fate which they but toojuftly defsrve^
A^PE
APPENDIX,
( No. 6. )
Extradl of a Letter from the Author, to a Gentleman at Philadelphia.
* and furely there needs no argu-
' menc to demonftrate the vveaknefsanddan- *ger of the more fouthern colonies, from the ' immenfe multitude of Jlaves^ that are forci-
* biy detained therein !
* The congrefs have aifted nobly in for- ' bidding the iniquitous importation of more *• Jlaves \ but the bufinefs is but half done, *• 'till they have agreed upon fon^iC equitable
* and fafe means of gradually enfranchifing ' thofe which remain. No time (hould be
* loft in forwarding this equitable meafure ;
* — and, to fecure the afFeftions of the ne- ' groes, affurances fliould be immediately
* given of fuch friendly intentions towards
* tbem^ left any attack, fhould, in the mean
* while, be made in thofe quarters, which
might
APPENDIX, No. 6. si
* might encourage an wfurreSfion. I tremble ' fcr the probable confequences of fuch an
* event ! for though donieftic Jlavsry^ (which
* I deteft from my heart) would thereby be ' abolifhed, yet that efled: would be wrought ' at the expence of public Liberty ; and the
* tyranny and injutiice of private individuals
* would feem, perhaps, to be too feverely ' punifiied by that honid carnage and im-
* placability, which ufually attend i\\<d con- ' fiidls between mailers and flaves !
' Let private inter eft therefore give place 'to juftice and rights which will mill effcc-
* tually adminifter to the public fafety.
* Let it be remembered that many of ' the negroes are natives of the colonies, ' and confequently have a natural right to a ' free e>:iftence therein, as well as the Land-
* holders themfelves. I (hall not pielume ' to advife the mode of effeding this im-
* portanc and necefTary enfranchiiemenr, ' but will only offer a few hints in order to ' promote the cosfideration and determiina- ' tion of thofe who are bed able to judge ' of the matter.
'Suppose the value of every ilave now in ' the colonies, was to be fairly eftimated, by ^ juries appointed for chat purpofe, and the
* value to be entered, under their infpection, ' (as a pecuniary ^'^i'^ due from each negroc ' to his mailer,^ in a public regifter for each
* diitrid. Suppofe alio that the landholders,
h * who
58 A PPE NDIX, No. 6. "
^ who do not occupy all their grouuds, were ' advifed to divide what lands they can fpare ' int9 compa5i liitlefanns^^xih z (mall wooden ' cottage to each, which fhould be allotted ' to thole negroes only, who are natives of ' the colony, or elfe have been To long in it,. ' that their diipofitions arefufficiently known, ' v/hether or not they may iafely be entruft- ' ed with their liberty. Letfuch negroes hold ' thefe fmail portions of land by leafes, for ' a certain term of years •, and at equitable ' rents, to be paid in fuch portions of the ^produce from time to time, as fhail be ' thought mofl: reafonable, leaving the ten- ' ants a moderate gain, (befides their necef- ' fary (ubfifter.ce) to encourage induftry, and ' yet fo as to yield the landlords a due profit
* from each portion of their eftates, befides ' an adequate allowance to reimburfe (within
* the limited timej not only the regiftered
* price of their quondam flaves, but alfo
* whatever fums they may have advanced to- ' wards the expence of huilding^of implements, ' of live flock, of feed, f/r. ^c. the amount ' of which ought to be added to the firft
* debt and regiftered, in like manner, before
* the leafes are executed. By thefe means the ' landlords will lofe nothing of their wealth, ' and yet the mod ufefulandworthieftof the
* negroes will acquire a natural iniereft in
* the welfare and fafety of the community,
* which will inftire their adiitance againft
* any
APPENDIX, No. 6. 59
* any hoftiJe attempt of the reft. Other
* negroes, that are not capable of managing
* and fhiftingfor themfelves, nor are li: to be ' trufted, all at once, with liber ry,. might be ' delivered over to the care and protection of ^ a county committee, in order to avoid the ' baneful effedis of private property in men-, ' and might, by the (aid committee, be let
* out, as hired fervants, to fuch perfons as ' v/ould undertake the change of them, to
* be paid (alfo in produce) towards the dif-
* charge of the regiftered debt lor each
* man's original price ; and the labourer
* himfelf in the mean while to be allow-
* ed one day in a v;eek (befide the Sun-
* day; for his own profit, or be paid
* for it according to the mode of the
* Spanifh regulations^ (which I before tranf- ' mittedj that he may have an opportuni- ' ty to acquire a little property of his own,, ' which will prepare his mind, as well as
* his ciYCumi^RncQs far freedom J by enabling
* him, as a member of the community to
* fnifc for himfelf at the time of his dif-
* charge. By fome fuch regulations, as ' thefe, flavery might be changed into a
* condition, more nearly refembling that of
* hired fervants, as no mafter would be the ' abfolute proprietor of thofe he employs,
* and yet all reafonable advantages arifing
* from their labour, would remain j which
* mud occafion a reciprocal improvement
* in the morality and humanity both of maf^
h 2 'ters
6o APPENDIX, No. 6.
ters and fervants; and in procefs of time, inPcead of wretched Jlaves^ a new and ufe- ful order of men, at prefent unknown in America, (where every freeman cultivates his own ground only) would be eftablifhed amGngityou; I mean a hardy body of free feafants^ ferving either as trufty ten- ants or farmers^ to irnprvove the eftates of landed gentlemen, or elfe as laborious cot- tapers^ who might be employed with in- finite advantage to the neighbourhood, wherever edablinied, efpecially if they were encoura2;ed by an allotment of a fmall paich of land for a potatoe ground or garden, with a right of pafture for a little live {lock upon fome common field in the neighbourhood of their little cot- tages.— Landholders by this means would have their eilates better peopled and im- proved, and yet avoid the guilt and dan- ger of opprefTion. In the mean while, the hours of labour lliould be uniformly regu- lated, to prevent the opprefiion of avari- ci;;Us exa(5tors, and the danger of difcon- tent : and fchools ihould be opened in every diftrift, to give the poor labourers and their children, fome general ideas of morality and religious knowledge, v/hich conftl'LUtc the moil: effectual bond of peace. Thefe regulations 1 mention only by way of hint : you have the fameearneil regard
' for
APPENDIX, No. 6. 6i
* for the caufe of general liberty^ and the
* natural rights of mankind that I have,
* and much greater abilities to defend them,
< and to propole a more perfed fyftem than
< what is here fuggefted. Let me therefore
* intreat you to confider this matter, and to
* forv/ard, as foon as poffible, fome fcheme ' of general enfranchifement, becaufe Ame-
* rican liberty cannot be firmly eftablilhed
* 'till this is done.
* I am with great edeem,
'Dear SIR,
' Your afiedionate friend
' and humble fervant/
London,
18 July, 1775;
'GRANVILLE sharp;
A P P E N-
[ 62 ]
APPENDIX,
( No. 7. )
Extradl from Mr. Morgans Book, in- tituled, * A Plan for the Abolition of * Slavery^ in the Weft Indies'
— Pa2;e 12.— ' NothinQ- can be more
* oppofife to every idea of juftice and mo-
* rality than the prefent pradice of buying ' flaves, to cultivate the Weft Indian iflands ' and the fouthern provinces on the conti-
* nent of America •, nor can any thing, I
* thinks he eventually more fatal — * * «
Page 13. ' Yet fomething, out of
* worldly prudence, ought to be done-, — for, ' as this evil has been violently introduced, ' contrary to the natural courfe of things
* and the conftitution of the world, it will
* one day find a remedy even in its excefs. ^ Matters will be fatally brought to a crifis,
* and nature will vindicate her own laws,
' and
APPENDIX, No. 7. 63
* and reftore the credit of her equal and
* juft admin iftration, to the lading punifh-
* ment of thofe who abufed it. This will
* BE WHEN THE BLACKS OF THE SOUTH- ' THERN COLONIES ON THE CONTINENT
* OF America shall be numerous
* enough TO THROW OFF AT ONCE THE
* YOKE OF TYRANNY TO REVENGE THEIR ' WRONGS IN THE BLOOD OF THEIR OP- ' PRESSORS, AND CARRY TERROR AND ' DESTRUCTION TO THE MORE NORTHERN
* SETTLEMENTS. Such a revolution can-
* not take place in the idands until this ' period, on account of the want of intel-
* ligence and communication between the
* flaves of one idand and another, and of
* the eafy communication and mutual af- ' fillance of whites. But an infurredion on ^ the continent, once communicated, will ' be an incitement in the iflands, and a f]g- ' nal for a general and (but that every ' Englilliman is alike concerned, and the ^ planter not peculiarly criminal) a merit-
* ED CARNAGE.
' Nothing can be conceived more de-
* STRUCTIVE, more INSATIATE, THAN ' THE WARS V/HICH WILL FOLLOW THIS
* EVENT ; they will be every where marked
* with THE MOST HORRIBLE CRUELTIES, ' and THE MOST furious REVENGE. The
^ diftindion of black and white^ which we
* have
64 APPENDIX, No. ;.
have fo unreafonably made the marks of .freedom and fiavery^ will then become the obvious colours ot mutual hoftiiity and revenge; and it feems likely that thefe
wars MAY EXD TO THE DISADVANTAGE
OF THE WHITES ; becaufe the blacks, as will be prefently obferved, will increale falter, and becaufe their nature feems better able
'to bear the feverity of cold, than the
* whites can that of heat.' — i^c.
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A P P E N-
[ 65 3
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M M M M M M i M M M M M' M M |
JKM 1 M m M |
A P
E~ N D I
( No 8. )
A Copy of v/hat ** /x /aid to be the *^ fubflance of Lord Mansfield's fpeech *^ in the cafe of Somerjet and Knowks:'^
,N Monday the 2'?d June, in Trinity _ term, 1772, the court of King^s Bench ^ proceeded to give judgement in the Cafe of Somerfet and Knowles^ Upon the re- turn of the Habeas Corpus. Loud Ma\'s- FIELD firfl dated the return; and then fpoke to the following purport, which is taken from the fecond edition of a Tra<fl:, printed in 1773, intituled, " Confidera- '^ tions on the Negroe Caufe, fo called^ ad- " drejfed to the right honourable lord Mans- *' field, lord chief jujiice of the court of *^ King's Bench^ by Samuel 'Estwick, "•^ A. M. Affifcant Agent for the ifland of *' Barbadoes." page vii. viz.
' We pay due attention to the opinion ' of Sir Philip Torke and Mr. Talbot^ in
* the year 1729, by which they pledged
* themfelves to the Britiih planters for the
i * legal
66 APPENDIX, No. 8.
^ legal confequences of bringingNegroe-naves
* into this kingdom, or their being baptiz-
* ed ', v;hich opinion was repeated and re- ' cognized by lord Hardwicke, fitting as 'chancellor, on the 19 th of Odtober, 1749, ' to the following efiedl : he faid,' " that '' trover would lay for a negroe-flave : that a '* notion prevailed, that if a flave came into " England, or became a Chriftian, he there- *' by became emancipated -, but there was no ** foundation in law for fuch a notion: that " when he and Lord Talbot were attorney " and folicitor general, this notion of a (lave " becom.ing' free by being baptized per- " vailed fo lirongly, that the planters induf- " trioully prevented their becoming chrif- '* tians : upon which their opinion vv^as taken ; " and upon their hefi corjideratmi they were. " both clearly of epinion^ that a flave did not " in the lead: alter his fituation or flate to- *' v/ards his mailer or owner ^ either by be- «' ing chriftened, or coming to England : *' that though the ftatute of Charles il. had *' abulillied" [homage^) " tenure fo far, *' that no man could be a Villein regardant -^ ''• yet if he would acknowledge him>ieif a " Villein engrolTed in any court of record, he
' knew
(\) See a part of my lord Mansjieldh fpeech printed in the Appendix, (p. ii.) of *' a Ti-eatife upon the *' Trade from Great Britain to Africa, by an African << merchanty'' wherein this wo.'^d ^^ homage'^ is inferted.
APPENDIX, No. 8. 6^
' knev/ of no way by which he could be en- ' titled to his freedom, without the confent ' of his mailer," ' We feel the force of the inconveniences and confequences that will follow the decifion of this queftion : yet all of us are fo clearly of one opinion upon the only quefiion before us, that we think we ought to give judgment without adjourning the matter to be argued before all the judges, as ufual in the habeas cor- pus, and as we at Brfl intimated an inten- tion of doing in this cafe. The only quef= tion then is, Is the caufe returned fufficient for the remanding him ? If not^ he muft be difcharged. The caufe returned is, the Jlave abfented himfelf and departed from his mailer's fervice, and refufed to return and fcrve him during his ilay in England \ whereupon, by his mailer's orders, he was put on board the fnip by force, and there detained in fecure cuftody, to be carried out of the kingdom and fold. So high an acl of dominion mufl derive its autho- rity, if any fuch it has, froni the law of the kingdom where executed. A foreig- ner* cannot be imprifoned here on the au- thority of any lawexiftiog in his own coun- try. The power of a mailer over his fer- vant is different in all countries, more or lefs limited or exrenfive , the exercife of of it therefore mud always be regulated
i 2 " ' bv
6B APPENDIX, No, 8.
* by the laws of the place where exercifed'
* The Hate of Oavery is of fuch a nature,
* that i£ is incapable of being now intro- '^ diiced by courts of juftice upon mere rea- ' foning, or inferences from any principles ' oaturai or political ; it muft take its rile ^ from pffttive law i the origin of it can in ^ no country or age be traced back to any ^ other fource. Immemorial ufage preferves ^ the niemory of pofitive law long after all
* traces of the cccafion, reafon, authority, ' and tinric of its introdu(5tion, are loft, and ' in A Case so odious as the condition
* OF SLAVES MUST BE TAKEN STRICTLY.
' (tracing the fuhje^ to natural princi- ^ ples^ the claim of flavery never can he fup-
' ported.) fj^ THE POWER CLAIMED BV ' THIS RETURN WAS NEVER IN USE
^ HERE : {ov acknowledged by the law.) No ' mailer ever was allowed here to take a ,' Have by force to be fold abroad becaufe he ' had deferted from his fervice, or for any ' other reafon whatever^ v/e cannot say, ' the caufe fet forth by this return is allow-
1 2 * EO
(I) Thefe additions in Italics between hooks befoj-e and after the words *' the power claimed by-
THIS RETURN WAS NEVER. In USE HERE," are
taken from the notes of a very ingenious and able counfellor, who was prefent when the judgement was given.— The reft of his notes fufficiently agree ia fubllaccs with what Mr. Eji'wkk has printed.
APPENDIX, No, 8.
* ED OH APPROVED OF BY THE LAWS OF
*■ THIS KINGDOM, and therefore the man ' muil be difcharged.'
Upon this Mr. EJlwick has been pleafed to obfervs as follows, ' I mttft confefs (fays he)
* / have been greatly puzzled in endeavouring
* to reconcile this judgement with this Jiate of ^ itj and with my comprehenjion^' &'c. But the writer quoted by ihe African merchant before mentioned, is not fo modefl in his cenfure of this judgemenr, nor fo honed in his rs- €ital of ic, as Mr Eftwick^ for he partially conceals the moit material part of the learn- ed judge's fpeech, becaufe it happens to make againll his own wicked caufc; and
tells us by way of excuie for fo notorious and parrial an omiffion— that " the remain- ' der of the fpeech is too vague to come int9
* confideration^ &c. (p. 12.) Another anony- mous writer (author of a pamphlet,, intitled
* Camdilj Reflections ^/pi?;^ the jcjdge- ^ MENT lately awarded ly the Court of Kin£s
* Bench^ in JVefiminfier HalU on what is com- ' monly called the Negroe Cause, hy a Flan-
* ter^) after comparing this judgement of the King's Bench, with the opinions of the judges Holt and FoweU and thofe of the attorney and folicitor general, T'^r^ and 'Tal-- bot^ &c. is pleafed to rejle5i thereupon as follows. .*' A point, _(S7iy^ he) upon which
^* thefe great Oracks of the lavj have puhliflotd
fiicb
4.i
70 APPENDIX, No. 8.
^^ fuch oppofite [e7ithnents^ feems as far as ever *' from Being ejiahltfoed upon the Jcdid ground of '• abjohiie precision. The planters of c our fe " have been left (fays he) as much puzzled '' ly this DELPHIC i^MBiGUJTY, ds the fages '* thernfelves appear to have heen^ in forming ," their judgements upon the fjibjeSi. ^Ihe mat- *''' ter ha ving been confounded in this
.'-GRAr-JD UNCERTAINTY," &C. (p. 57.)
But thele heavy charges of the want of
" PRECISION,''cf" DELPHIC AMBIGUITY,"
and of being ^' confounded in grand un- "CERTAINTY," ^zz. arc fo far froHi bein^
*' CAKDID REFi^ECTIONS," (aS thlS auchoi*
would have us believe them,) that even his own evidence on the preceeding page, clear- ly proves the falfehood and injuftice of his cenfures -, for he has there given us the EFFiiCT of that kite judgment of the court of King's Bench, in the clearest terms, v/ithout the leaft doubt or difficulty •, fo that the delphic ambiguity^ of which he immediate- h afttr complains, mull be ('even accord- ing to his own evidence,) a mere calumny !
iVfter reciting the opinion of lord chief juiLice Holt^ he immediately adds as ioUov/s.
" Lord chief juflice mansfield (iays he^ " adds to this efe^,
' ^\ That the laws of Great Britain do not " authorize a matter to reclaim his fngi- *' tive SLAVE, confine or tranfport him out of " the kingdom. In other words j" (fays
he;
APPENDIX, No. 8. 71
he) ," that a negroeflave, coming from the *' colonies into Great Britain becomes, i-pfo " fa5fo^ Free."
Thus, notwithllanding the tin-candid re- fe^ ions of this author about delphic am- biguity, yet even be Hmfelf h^s without doubt ox difficulty^ declared the r^r/^i;z and imavoidahle effect f'of the judgement de- livered by hord Ma7isJjeL^ ! That this au- thor Cnotvvithftanding his prejudices, and unjuft cenfures about ambiguiryj has real- ly ftated the certain and unavoidahle effect of the faid judgment, will appear by the following remarks upon ii.
trinity
[ 72 ]
E N D I
( No. 9. )
Remarks on the Judgment of the Court of King's Bench, In the Cafe of Stei£}art and Somerjet, By Gran-
viile Sharp.
1
r"| tHIS judgment willnot appear doubt- ful and inexplirir, (as fome have too Wj cfteemed n) if the whole be taken together, and the effect of it be duiy confidered,
Lord A4ansfield pronounced the fenti- ments or judgment of tht whm heyich^ and therefore if any thing was wrong, the blame ought not to reft on him alone ; ne- verthelefs, if we fairly examine v^hat was faid, v»'e fliall find no room for biarne or cavil, Flis lordfnip faid, *^ We fay due * atuntlon to the opinion of Sir Philip *• York and lAv^Talhoty m the year 1729/
Now
APPENDIX, No. 9. 73
Now the purport of that opin on was, that the mailer ' may legally compel Kx^ flave * to return to the plant ation^^.^
Lord Mansfield modeftly declined giving ^ dired contradidlion, in exprefs words, to the opinion of two fuch very eminent and learned lawyers-, but chofe rather to con- demn it, tacitly, by the efieSl of the judg- ment, which he was about to pronounce ; and therefore he merely recited the opinion without the lead comment, and proceeded to the determination of the court upon the cafe b- fore them ; which is clear and incon- trovertible with refpe6l to the main point of the quellion, viz. the power claimed by the mailer, of carrying away his flave by force^
' The power claimed by this return^ ('faid the ' chief ju ticej was never in ufe here, orac^ ' knowledged iy the law.\ Now it was cer- tainly the duty of the court to give judg- ment 2iZ^oxdi\vi^x.o the known laws ^ and not to be influenced by any opinion whatfoever.
They acknowledged, indeed, thehaving " paid due attention'*^ to the faid opinion ; but as, their determination was diametricaljy oppofue to the aflertions in that opinioa, it is maniteft, that the court did not think it grounded in law^ according to which alone thsy wers^ bound to determine. The con - Ciufion of lord Mansfield^ % fpeech contains
k more
74 APPENDIX, No. 9.
more fubftantial and unanfwerable reafons for the judgment he was about to give, than the generahty of his hearers, perhaps, were aware of •, for he very ingenioufly expreiTed in the fmall compafs of two fhort fentences, that the maflers claim was contrary to three principal fcundations of the EngUJh law, viz. NATURE, USE, (^or Cujiom^) and the WRITTEN LAW; which laft alfo includes two other foundations, viz. maxims and STATUTES. With refpe^l to the fiift, he laid ^^"^^ trace wg the fubje5f to natural princi- ples^ the claim of slavery never can he fupported" With refpeft to the fecond, he faid, " 'I be power claimed hy this return, was nev^rinvsE here,'' and thirdly, ihat it was never acknowledged hy the law." These feem to have been the reafons oi the determination ; and confequently the court was obliged hy the common law (which always favours Libertyj (i to dif- charge the man from the unnatural and 1/;^- ^r^r^^f;?/^i claims of his mailer, which was accordingly done, lo that the true meaning of this determination is rendered clear and incontrovertible, as well by the effect of it^ as by the unanfwerable r/?j/<?«j above men- tioned.
That
!| * Laiv ■fa'voureih life, liberty, and dower.*
* L'a'vj regards the person aho^ve his pojfejjions, — life
* and LIBERTY, moji^^ &c. (Principia Legis et iEquit,
P. 56-
* LiBERTAS ejlres inejlimabl'n^ (Jenk. Cent. 52,)
APPENDIX, No. 9. 75
That t h e re i s n o t h i n g doiibifid o r inexplicit in \.\\\^ judgement^ ckiivered by lord Mansfield^ wllj further appear by the following report of a cafe in the prerogative court^ wherein this very determination on Somerfet's cafe, is exprefsly cited, and the effect of it clearly and fully declared by a learned judge of that court. And the propriety of the faid judgment has very lately been dill fur- ther confirmed by a decree alfo in the high court of admiralty, after a very learn- ed and folemn debate concerning the legality^ or, illegdlity of Jlavery in England, wherein the merits of the queftion on both fides was fully examined and difculTed. A Ihorc ftate of the Cafe, together with the fubftance of the decree will be found in Appendix, No, II. The offence exprelTed in this latter Cafe was lb flagrantly wicked in all its cir- cumftances, and upon the whole, was (o notorious a contempt of the laws and con- ttitution of this kingdom, as well as of natu- ral rights and common honefty, that all perfons, who have any regard for juftice, muft be moved with indignation againft the authors of the milchief, and muft wifh to fee them corredtedby fome^^^<^//^/f and exempla- ry puniffoment^ inftead of a decifion againft * them for the mere recovery of wages. In order therefore to prevent any unjuft prejudice of well meaning people, againft the manner of proceeding in this cafe fur redrefs, it is ne-
k 2 cefTary
-j^ APPENDIX, No. 9.
cefTary to remark, that the negroe did not ' ap'ply for redrefs of thefe injuries ^^ till more than two years afcer they were committed, whereby he was deprived of the y^/iji/<2^/^;^
to which THE HABEAS COkPUS ACT WOUld
otherwife have entitled him ' i v any of his
* majesty's courts of record,' viz.—
* to recover his treble cofts^ hefides damages^
* which damages fo tohe given^ (lays the aft) ^ fhallnot helefsthaniivL hundreu pounds,' that is five hundred pounds from each offen- dor,-— frm eve7j individual concerned fand thefe feem, in the prefent cafe, to have been more than 4 or 5) that had either been ' ad- vi/ing^ aiding^ or ' affifling^ in fo flagrant a breach of the peace ; and they would like- wife have been iubjedl to all the ' pains^ pe- nalties ^forfeitures^ loffes or diffahilities ordained
in THE STATUTE of PP.OVISION and PRJE-
MUNiRE I See my ' Reprefentation of the
* injuftice, and dangerous tendency of tole- '* rating Slavery in England, printed in 1769, pages 25 to 29.
GRANVILLE SHARP,
APPEN-
L 77 ]
V
APPE NDIX,
( No. >o. )
C A
S
Prerogatroe Court, May iithy '^yj%* QhY and Crick ton.
A. B. deceafed, /;^ 1769, among other
eficcls, \z^ii behind him a negroe fervant. Crichton, the executor, was called upon by Cay, to give in an invent cr^j of the de- ct?i^it6's goods a7td chattels^ which he accord- ingly did, but omitted the negroe,
^his omijjion was made a ground of except tion to the inventory, as being, therefore^ not perfe^f.
Upon argument, it wasfaid by the coun- cil on behalf of Crichton^ that by a very late cafe in the King's Bench,, of Knowies
yS APPENDIX, No. lo.
(a) and So-merfet^. negroes were declared to he free in England^ and confequently, they could not be the fubjefts of property^ or be con- fidered as any part of a perfonal eilate.
It was anfwered, that the cafe above- mentioned was determined only in 1772; that A. B. died in 1769, at which time negrt.es were in fome refpedls, confidered as proptrrty, and therefore that he ought to have been included in the account.
The judge (Dr. tlay^) faid that this court had no right to try any queflion rela« ting to freedom and flavery ; but as Negroes had been declared free by the court which had the proper jurifdidion, that determina- tion referred to them, as well at the pre- ceeding time, as at the prefent, and therefore diredled, that article, in which the negroe was mentioned, to be ilruck out of the ex- ceptive allegation,
[a) Kno'-wles was the maffer of tlie fliip who detain- ed So7nerfet, by order of Mr. Sien-vari, who clairned the latter as his propertv.
APPENDIX.
[ 79 1
APPENDIX,
" ■ .1 ■ - --- I - "
( No. I f. )
Higb Court of Admiralty, before Sir Geo* Hay, Knt, L,L.D. June> 29, 1776.
C A
ROGERS, alias RIGGES againft JONES,
Dr. ^^3'^^^ ^r« Harris
Dr- ^^i;^r Dr. Calvert
TroUor Torriano, TroBor Holman.
EORGE ROGERS alias RIGGES,
* a negro about nineteen years of age, had •• been a fervant to feverai gentlem-n ia
• England^ ar.d in the fummer of 1766,
* being
^a APPENDIX, No. ir.
* being then out of place, became ac-
* quainted with John Latter and John
* Seffins^ who con tradted with Arthur Jones 'for the iale of him; an ailiornment
* was accordingly drawn for that purpofe,
* and figned by John Latter^ by which *■ Rogers was transferred to Melfrs. Mafc-% ^ and J ones y as a (lave, for the fum of
* twelve guineas.
*- Some time in Auguft, 1766, after-the ' faleabove mentioriCd, T^^^^rj, under forne
* fatfe' pretences, was "carried on board the"
* fhip Britannia^ then lying at Bsptford^ of
* which- Meffrs. Mafon zud Jones were owners.,
* was there detained againlt his v/ill, and that
* hcrcrighr nor efcape, was carried down into ' the fail room, by order of the chief mate,
* and the gratings were put upon him. In ' this confinement he was kepr, till the fnip
* fei fail, when he was releafed, and fuffer-
* ed to o;o about uoon deck-, but not bein^^
* entered in the fhip's books as a mariner, *- nor having any particular oiiice, or wages ^ afngned to him, he was fet to work about
* the iliip's duty in general, till he was ap-
* pointed as an affiltant to the cook, which ' office he executed fometimes as afTifiant,
* snd fomedm.es as principal cook, during
* the whole "voyage. The -fnip firO; failed to
* the coafl of ^rfV^> on the slave trad-e,
and
APPENDIX, No. II. 8i
and from thence to Porto Rico^ where he was offered to fale, by the captain of the Britanniay as a prime flave •, but Rogers having found an opportunity of relating his (lory to the Spanijh merchants, ihey refufed to purchafe him •, he therefore returned with the fhip, in which he ilill aded in his former capacity of affiftant cook ; and upon their arrival in the port of Lon- don^ in May i;68, when the other ma- riners were paid and diicharged, he was Hill detained on board againll his will.
' Here he continued for fome time, till he contrived to give the oiHcers the flip, and by the afiiftance and advice of fome friends, went to 'Doctors Commons^ and ap- plied to Mr. Faiilckner^ a pro dor, to put him in a way of recovering ^ his wages, or fome other recompeAce for his laboun Mr. Fatilckner accordingly v/rote to Arthur Jones^ one of the owners, for that purpofe j and Rogers being ap- pointed likewife to meet Jones at the prodor's ofHce, was waiting at a pub- lic houfe, in Dolors Commons^ till fcnt for •, when Jones^ Sefins^ and another man, came into the houfe, forced Ro-
1 ' gers
82 APPENDIX, No. ir.
gers into a coach, conveyed him back, and forced him on board another iliip, where he was chained to the main- maft, till he was releafed by the deputy- marlhal of the High Court of Admiralty, with the affiftance of Mr. Sbea^ one of his old mafters, and lome other friends, who had obtained a warrant to take him out of his confinement.
' Several reafons prevented his ap- plying for redrefs of thefe injuries, till the beginning of the year 1774, when Mr. Torriano was employed to commence an adtion againfl ylrthur Jones^ as one of the owners, for the purpofe of recovering the ufual wages, or fome other recompence in lieu there- of.
' After the ufual proceedings, the caufe was brought for hearing on June, 29, 1776; when the fadls being all clearly proved as above flaced, the prin- cipal queftion was, How far the plea
of SLA VE R T, fet up by the defendant, could be admitted in bar of the demand of wages ?
^ It was infilled on by the counfel on be- half of RogerSy that the kind of flavery, here fpoken of, never had any exiftencc under the laws oi England \ and in fupporc of that, referred to the well known Cafe
* of
APPENDIX, No. 1 1. ,<?3
* of Knowles and Some^'fet^ before lord ' Mansfield 'y and likewife to a late one
* in the Prerogative Court, of Cay and ' Crichton.
' The counfel for the defendant argu-
* ed, that, till the cafe of Somerfet^ the
* law of England admitted flavery; and
* in fupport of this, they quoted the au-
* thority of Lord Chief Juftice Hale -, and, ' in particular, the opinions of the Lords
* "Talbot and Hardwick^
The Decree of the Court thereupon was, in fubftance, as follows.
* THERE are two principal points in
* this caufe ; (faid the Judge)
' I ft. Whether fuch a fervice is proved (as ' fiated in the fummary Petition) as to enti-
* tie the plaintiff to the wages demanded? and
' 2d]y. Whether the plea ofjlavery jhallhe ' ^ fufficimt Bar to the claim?
* With regard to the first, it appears ly
* the fulleft evidence^ that the plaintiff had ferv-
* ed on hoard the (Joip^ either in the capacity
* of affijiant to the cook^ or as cook himfelf
* during the greatejl part of the voyage^ and
* confequently was entitled to fome recompence ' for his fervices -, lut not being entered as a ' mariner in the (hifs books y nor having any
' fiipulated
S4. APPENDIX, No. ir.
' fitpulated wages affigned him^ it leing prola- ' ble that the owners meant to Jell him again in ' the Weft Indies^ he cannot he allowed any Jpe-
* c'tfic fum under the name of wages-, but as
* he certainly performed the dMty to which he
* was ojftgned^ without any chjt£!ion to his he- ' haviour in it^ the maritime law clearly gives *- him a quantum meruit. T^he cook's ^ wages appear to have been £i, ^s, 6d. per ' Months which is more than Rogers, moft ^ prolably^ cou.d fairly deferve. But upon in- ' fpe5lion of the mariners contract^ it appears ' that there were feveral negroe hoys in the ' fa7ne fhip^ in the quality of apprentices^ who ' were allowed from los. to lys, and 6d. per ' month \ he fignifi.-d his opinion therefore, that Rogers might fairly defrve ifj. per months which he accordingly decreed him, from the time of his being firft carried on board.
' With regard to the sico^d pointy it was ' urged ffiid the judge j that the plaintiff was ' a SLAVE, and confequently was not entiilcd to
* any reward for his fer vice at all.
' The pra^ice of buying and felling fiaves ' ('the learned judge remarked) was cer^- ' tainly very common in England, before
* the cafe of Somerset, in the Court of ^ King^s Bench ^ lyyi^ but however it might
* have been the law of the Royal Ex-
' change
APPEND IX, No. II. 83
change ^^ he hoped, ' it never was the hw of : England.
' T^he OPINIONS of lord Hardwicke, anA~ lord Talbot, when Attorney and Solicitor - general^ have leen quoted in fupport of this • praBice^ and have formerly given too.mucb- countenance to it^ though they feemed orig^;; nally to have been only applied to the diffe^ rence created ly haptijm.^
' But ly a late determination of one of the ahleft judges that ever preftded in this king^ dom^ thtfe opinions have been held to be mif taken and unfound ; and there can be no fur- ther doubts that the claim of slavery ij not maintainable by thelazvs of Engl md,
' The law therefore was the farne before the time of the above opinions^ as f. nee ; and-^ con- feqtiently^ refers to all f ales wbatfoever of this nature r, which are every one illegal: and the ef ore the pretended fale in the p^efent cafe^ in 1766, was an ab/olute nullity r, and when the allegation^ fiatmg the fate^ was admitted on behalf of the ozvners, had Rogers appeared^ under proteft;^ upon this point of law^ it would have been received in bar of the plea !
' The owners feem to have aEled upon a miflaken notion of their right \ but as the claim of flavery is clearly againfi the law of this country^ and as ft appeared that Rogers
m A PP E N D I X, No. M.
•" bad always a^ed in fome ufeful capacity dur-
* tng the whole time of his having been on
* locard^ the judge faid, he thought ' him
* entitled to a quantum meruit jor his
* Jervicey which he accordingly fixed as
above 5 and condemned the owners in cods ^ which were immediately taxed to the amount of 01, lis. od.
!ttL M
f Of
A P P E N-
[87 ]
APPENDIX,
( No. 12, )
From the General Evening Pod, No« 6033. June 13th, 1772,
To the Edilor of the General Evening Poit,
SIR,
AS the great caufe depending betweea Mr, Stuarty and Somerfet^ the negro, is at prefent one of the principal topics of gen: rai convcrfation, by inieriing the fol- lowing you will afford a leafonable and ra- tional entertainment to your readers, lam your's, &:c.
Eoitra^f of a letter from a p erf on in Mary- land, to hs friend in Philadelphia.
' I am fo happy as to think as you do, * with regard to trading in man^ or ke^p*
* ins
88 APPENDIX. No. 12.
ing him a flave. The cuflom is wicked and iniquitous, neither confident with reafon, or the laws of God or man. Poor unhappy ilaves, particularly thofe forced from their places of nativity, are moft certainly deplorable objeds of com- miieration. I never bought more than two during twenty years refidence here. One proved to be the fon of an African Prince; he was a moft comely youth : hav- ing oblerved his uncommon good parts, I fent him to fchool, and ufed him like a free man during his flay with me. The directors of the African Company having enquired, and offered a reward for him, I by a public adt prefented the poor crea- ture with his freedom, gave him an order for the reward aforefaid, and fent him to London ; from whence the following year he remitted mc the fame fum he coft me, and fundry rich goods to the amount of three hundred pounds and upwards, and therewith a letter in his own native lan- guage, tranflated by Dr. Defaguillier, of Cambridge.
' The next I purchafed was an unhap- py lad, kidnapped from his free pa- rents at the taking of Guadaloupe. During his flay with me he decayed or pined lb much, and exprelTed fo fenfible a forrov/ of cruel feparation from his
' aged
APPENDIX, No. 12, 89
aged parents, relations, and country men, that adluaced bvrhe unerring good provi- dence which direfts us in all our good deeds, I likewife fet this poor creature free, and lent him to his native place. Providence again would not excufe my being further rewarded, for performing this my duty as a Chriftian. The truly honeft father^ from the produce of his plantations, has made me prefents to the amount of fifty pounds fterling, with diredlion to draw upon him for the full coll of the poor youth, which I do never intend, being more than paid by prefents ' I write this to convince you that the in-
* habitants of Africa are not fuch fenfelefs
* brutifli creatures as thoughtlefs authors ' reprefent them to be: they undoubtedly ' are capable of receiving inftruiftion, and ' far out-do Chriftians in many commend- ' able virtues. Poor creatu/es I their great-
* eft unhappinefs is being acquainted with
* Cirijlians, %
X The worthy and benevolent writer mud mean fuch Chrijiiam only as ihofcs who carry out with them nothing of that moft amiab'e profeffion ot religion but the name, to the ^ jhip nvrack'' of their own fouls, and to the difgrace of their native ccuntryj if that alfo is called Chrijiian /
m The
90 APPENDIX, No. 12.
e following is a letter from the
* Nep^ro Prince, fome time after be
o
* arrived at London, to his m after ^ in Maryland, Tr an Hated by Dr.
* Dejagui Flier, of Cambridge, 1743-
Frcrd the great city^ ^dmdon after my releafe.
' O my kind merciful mafler, my good
* white brother, too good, a very goodfon of
* a good woman, and of a very good old ' man, created good old people by the u r e at
* spiKiT, who miade my country, rhy poor
* (I fhould lay heretofore poor) mod grate-
* ful black pnfoner, now rendered rich by ' thy goodnefs and mercy, is now moft ' dead, moil drunk, motl miad with joy I ' Why is he fo ? becaufe he is going to his ' good warm country, to his good old mo- ' ther, to his good o'd father, to his little
* filler and his brother. In my good warm ' country all things are good, except the
* white people who live there, and come in
* flying-houfes totake 'av7ay poor black prifo-
* ners from their mother.^, their fathers, their
* lifters and brothers, to kill them with hun-
* ger and filth, in the cellars of their flying- J houfes, wherein if they do not die fait
* enough.
APPEND I X, No. 12. 51
enough, and poor priioners talk for bread and water, and want to feel the wind, and to jee the great spirit, to com- plain to him, to tell him ali, or to fee the trees of his gaod warm country once more for the lad time, the King of the white people [^probably the negro meant the captain\ orders the oiBcer called Jack, to kill niany of the black prifoners, with whips, with ropes, knives, axes and fait. The governor of thy _fiying-houfe has been to fliew that which is to carry me and him to my good warm country •, 1' am g!ad, very glad indeed ! He goes there with wine Shoukl he befick, (and whire people feldom efcape being fo there,) be- caufe of thee my kind merciful mader, and good white brother, and becaiife he has been good to me, and is a very good white mian too, 1 will nurfe him myjelf, my mother, my father, my little fifter, and my brother, Ihall be his brother, his mother, his father, and his filter too; he fhall have one large heap of ele- phants teeth and gold, for thee my kind merciful mader, and kind brother, and one for himfelf alfo (but imialler.) He at prefent is my father, I eat at his houfe, and lie there too upon the bed thou pre- fented me with. His v^oman is my mo-
"- ther.
92 APPENDIX, No. it.
ther, and kindly nurfes me, being very fick of the fea and fire made of black ftones. I have received a great quantity of eold, bcfides what thou did prefent me with by means of thy hand writing, to the people who are to fend me to my country, Tome part whereof I have given to the governor of thy fwimming-houfe, 'to be Tent to thee; had I an houfeful
* Hiould {^nd the whole with equal plea-
* fure -, however, thou fhalt fee he^eatter, ' that black people are not beads, and do ' knov/ how to be grateful. After thou my ' kind merciful mailer and good white bro- ' thrr left me in thy fwiming houfe, we, « thy white people, and we thy grateful black
* prifoi.crs, were by the great spirit, who ' was argry with us, fent by the wind into ' an i m. lie nfe great river, where we had like
* to have been drowned, and where we could < fee neither fun nor moon, for fix days and ' nights. I was dying during one Vv'ho'e
* moon, the governor was my father, and « aave me thole o;ood things tliou prefented ' me wiih on my bed, he lodged me in the « little room thy carpenter built for miC.
* Thou gave me more cloaths than 1 could
* carry, yet I was very cold -, nothing avail-
* ed with poor black prifoner, till at lafl: hav- ^ inor THE r-REAT SPIRIT to fend mje fafe to i thy houfe on ihore, 1 thought I was carried
' there.
APPENDIX, No. 12. 93
"* there, [this appears to have been a dream]
* where thou my good white brother did ufe
* me with wonted goodnefs, fpake to the
* -GREAT SPIRIT, and TO HIS SON, that I
' might keep fo during the voyage and af- ' teiwards, which they have done for thy
* fake •, they will always do me good becaufe
* of thee my good white brother ; therefore
* my kind merciful mailer, do not forget thy ^ poor black priionerc When thou doll fpeak
* to THE GREAT SPIRIT and TO HIS SON, I
* do know he will hear thee, I fhall never ' befickmore, fur which 1 {hall be thank-
•' ful. Pray (peak for my good old mother,
* my good father, my little fider, and my ' brother -, I wifli they may be healthy, to
* many veiy many moons, as many as the
* hairs on thy head -, ilove them all much, yet
* I think not fj mudi as I do thee, I could die ' in my country for thee, could i do thee any ' kindnefs. Indeed the great spikit well
* knows i mean no lie, fhall always fpeak to ' him for thy good, believe me my good ' white brother, thy poor black prifoLer is
* not a liar,
Dpagola, fin of BgiagcJa^ Frlnct cf Fcaty jl /ifrica,
|{ The country, here calleJ Foat, is probably nam- ed (the found being nearly the fame) from phut, the Chifd fon of Ham \ concerning whom, and his A^.
94 APPENDIX, No 12.
fcsndants in the interior part of Africa, particular mention is made in Mr. Bryant'^ letter, on thedefcent of thi: negroes. See Appenaix, No. 4 page? 48 ^052: or pe'b5)ps i' may mean *- the 'very country upon the ri' * ver Gcpnbia on one fide ^"^ wtich (?s IVIr^S;^;^^/ in- forms U!> irom Bluet) * is at this day called Phut a.* See p, 50.
'^ * # * c^
Tjp "^ 7^
^ 'K ^
f 95 I
E X
O F
Texts referred to in the foregoing Work,
Genesis. Chap. Verfes. Pages*
ix. 28. 47 n,
X. 5, 6. -^PP* 4^'
Exodus.
xxL 2. 57 n.
5, 6. 15.
xxiii. 9. 7, 41*
xxxiv. 3 1, 12; 4 n.
Leviticu. s.
|
XVlll. |
4, 12. |
|
|
xix. |
18. |
App. 24. |
|
33» 34- |
6, 9, 42. |
|
|
XXV. |
44 to 46, |
3, 26, 65= |
|
39 to 43- |
16. |
|
|
39^046.^ |
App. i8j 25. |
|
|
Numbers. |
||
|
xxxi. |
17, |
II n. |
|
xxxiii. |
55' 56' |
12 n. |
"[ 96 1
D E U T E R O N 0 M r
|
- Cha-p. |
Verfes, |
1 |
?ages. |
|
|
¥iL |
i6. |
8. II n. 5^ It n. |
||
|
5- |
24- |
5 n. 12 n. |
||
|
X. |
17 • |
to 19^ |
App. |
6, 4J. 23- 56. |
|
12 to 14. |
63. |
|||
|
15. t2. |
'■ |
7- 65. |
||
|
2X. |
16. |
TO n. |
||
|
xxiii. |
J5» |
16., |
App. |
49, 54, 23- |
|
XX.VV |
^9- |
ir. |
||
|
II Chronicles.. |
||||
|
xiv. |
9- |
22 n. |
||
|
xvi^ |
8. |
Jo |
B* |
22. |
|
XXXI |
38. 1040. |
60, 61 0 |
||
|
P S A L |
M S. |
|||
|
txy'iiL |
31- |
Prove |
R B S. |
22, 24* |
|
xiv. |
34- |
J E R E M |
App. 1 A H. |
15. |
|
xiii. xxii. |
23- 13- |
App. |
44. 60. |
|
|
xxxL |
29. |
E 2 E K |
App. I E L. |
II. |
|
xviii. |
a> 4 |
,, 20. |
App. |
II. A M 0 §.: |
[ 91 1
Amos.
Chap. Verfes. ' Pac.es.
viii. 7, 8. ' - 15 11,
Habakkuk.
hj,^ 13. App. 15.
iii, 7. App. 52.
ECCLESIASTICUS. XXxiv. 2 2. 61.
. Matthew.
|
V. vii. xix. xxiy. |
44» 45- 12. 23. 8, 9. 3&- |
39- 42, 45. App. 8. 67. App, 22. 21. |
|
|
XXV. |
341046. 40. 12. |
37» 38* 21, b;. 67. |
|
|
xxviii. |
19. |
iS. |
|
|
L^ U K |
E' |
||
|
iv. |
28, |
App. 14; |
|
|
X. |
7- |
59- |
|
|
A C T |
s. |
||
|
viii. |
27» 27. 34- |
28. |
24. . App. II. App. II. |
|
Roma |
H S. |
||
|
viii. |
17. |
20. |
I Corinthians.
iii, .i'6,- 17. 19.
vi. 19, 20. 19.
vii. 22, 23, App- 35, 36,
ji Gal a-
[ 98 ]
Galatians,
chap. Verfes. Pages.
iv. 5, 6, 7. 19.
V. 14. 42.
EPHESIANS.
iii. 6. 19,
COLOSSIANS.
iv, 1. 62.
7, 9. App. 35.
I Thessalonians. iii. M. 21.
Philemon.
The Intention of the whole Epiflle 1
coniidered as far as it relates to > App. 31 to" 3S. Onefimus. 3
James. V. 3, 4. 58.
II ? E T t R.
i. 3» 4. 20.
J U D E. XIV. 15. 21.
Revelations.
i. 7. 21.
xiv. 6. 41.
INDEX.
[ 99 ]
INDEX.
A.
_DMIRALTY, report of a Determination ■ againft Slavery in the Admiralty Court before Sir George Hay, in the Cafe of Rogers, alias Rt'gges, apmi\ Jones, Jpp. 7^ 79.
Africa, the Gofpel of Chrift received there earlier than in Europe, 21. The antiquity and purity of the church of Haballinia, 23. Early councils af- fembled tliere, 24. Lamentable apoflafy of the African church, the caufe of the prefent barba- rous ignorance which now prevails there, 26. This Example cited by Abp. Sharp as a V/arning to Britain, 44, note. All the inhabitants of, affuredly the defcendants of Ham, Jpp. 48.
African Merchant, the jullification of tJavery from the Mofaic law, by a writer under tliat name, examined, 3. Prince, letter from, to his mafter in Maryland, Jpp. 90.
A.fricans, their defcent inquired into, 48, See A^^- groes.
America, a propofal for tlie gradual enfranchifem.ent of negro -Haves there, Jpp.x.'].
Ariftotle, his argument in jultification of flavery re- futed, 27, nou.
n 2 Barbadoes,
lOO ]
B.
B^irbadoes, tlie killing of negroes tliere^, only puniflied
• by a line, 33.
Beattle, Dr. his examination of Arifl:otle on the fubjeft of flavery, and of Mr. Hume on the mental inferiority of negroes, 27, fiote.
Benevolence, univerfal, tlie diftinguifhing chara6le- riftic of Chriilianity, y^pp- 28.
Biiliops, numerous Aiiemblies of them in the Ec- clehaliical Synods of Africa, 24, 25.
Blackvvell, Dr. his deiinition of liberty, Jpp. 13.
Eond-fervants among the Ifraelites, who miglit le- gally be made fo, 3. The law of, repealed by the Gofpel, 46.
Brethren, all mankind connefted under the idea of, by cur Chriflian obligations, 40. It is inconiiflent with Chriiiianit)' that any of them ihould be flavcs,
^PP- 33; pry ant, Mr. Kis letter to the Autiicr concerning tlie dcfcent of the negroes, Jpp. 47.
c.
Canaan, faifely reputed the Father of the African negroes, 47, 48.
Ca7idid Refii:5lions upon the Judgement lately awarded by the Court of King's Bench, S:c. on the Negroe Caiife. The Author of a Book fo entitled, cou- yidled of tmcandid RefieHicns, Jpp. 69 to 7 [.
Cave, Dr. his Account of the great Eccleiiaftical Synods in Africa cited, 24, 25'.
Cay and Crichton, report of the cafe of, in tlie Pre- rogative Court, Jpp. 77. '
Charity, Chriflian, is not to be partial in its objedsj,
. Jpp. 28.
■ ' . Chrlliianity,
I I°I J
Cliriftianlty, the benevolent fpirit of, totally In- confiftent with the tyrannical claims of llave- holding, 17. Negroes, as well as the reft of mankind, included under the Gofpel difpem'ation, 1 9. Connedb all the human race under the idea of brethren, 40. None of the Levitical laws can juftify flavery under, 41.
Chufim, the ufual Name for Negroes in the Old Tefta- ment, 22. See alfo Letters on the Defcent of the Negroes, Jpp. 44. 47.
Congrefs, American, their prohibition of the impor- tation of flaves, fliould be followed by the gradual emancipation of thofe now in the country, y^pp. S6.
Councils, Chriftian, a lift of thofe held in Africa during the third and fourth centuries, 24.
D.
Pgiagola, Prince of Foat, releafed from Slavery by his Mafter in Msiryland, Jpp. 88. His grateful Letter for that favour tranllated by Dr. Defaguillier, Jpp. gc,
Defaguiliier, fee above.
E.
Elegy on the miferable ilate of an African Have, by Mr. Shenlione, Jpp. 39.
Eniarjcipation of llaves, iu the Colonies, a com- parative view of the diiterent modes of, Jpp. 16. This work remains to be done by the American Congrefs, Jpp. 56.
Eftvvick, Mr, his report of the hte Judgement in the Court of Kind's Bench bv Lord Manslield, in the Cafe of Somerfet and Knovjks, Jpp. 65'. His own Remarks thereupon, Jpp. 69. v\nfwered by ,9ther Remarks on that Judgement, Jpp. 72.
Ethiopians,
[ 102 ]
Ethiopians, received the Chriftian faith before the Europeans, 21. Their defcent traced, 22, nets,
F. . ,
Toat, a Region in Africa, probably the fame that is called Fhiita from l?hut the Son of Ham, App. 93.
H.
HabafTmia, Church of, remains a Monument of Chrilb'anity among the Sons of Ham, 23.
Habeas Corpus htl. ' Severity thereof againft thofe who attempt to carry away any perfon by force. cut of this Kingdom, App. 76.
Ham, the common father of all the inhabitants of Africa, Jpp. 48.
Havanna, regulations adopted by the Spaniards there, for thic gradual enfranchifenlent of negroes, Jpp. S4.
Hay, Sir George. See Aditiiralty and Prerogative Court.
Heathe;i, under th.e Mofaic law, wlio were implied by that term, 3. \Vere devoted to dertrudlion for their abominable vices, 4. Dillinguiilied from Jtraiigcri, 5. The bondage they were doomed to, not to be extended to Grangers at large, 9. Are by no means excluded from the benevolence of Chrifiians, 39.
Hume, Mr. his opinion of the mental inferiority c£ 2\egroes, controverted by Dr. Eeattie, 28, 721:7^.
I.
Jews, were by the Mofaic law permitted to n'lake bond fervants or flaves of the Heathen, 3. And
why,-
o
[ I03 ]
.why, 4. Were commanded to treat ftrangeri kindly, 6. Over whom their legal power of bondage extended, 8. Their national privileges not to be claimed by any other people, 10, The .limitations under which they miglit hold their brethren in bondage, 14. Such bond brethren were to be generoufly affifted on difmiffion, 56. Their conliitutions not ftridlly conliftent with the law of nature as afferted by Mr. Thompfon, App^ 19. Inllances of contrariety, App. 21, Infidelity of the prefent age, fo many proofs of our growing apoilafy from the Chriftian Religion, 26,
4iOte,
K.
King's Bench, report of a Determination in that Court before Lord Mansfield againfi Slavery , in the Cafe of Somerfet and Knoivles, or Stewart, App, 65:. Remarks on that Determination, ditto 69. A Defence of, ditto, ditto, 72.
L.
Labourer always worthy of his hire, ^g.
Law of England, both common and itatute, not to
contradict the laws of God, 55. Letter, from an African prince to his mafter in
Maryland, Jpp. 90, Liberty, the univerfallty of, afi'erted by Mr. Otis,
Jpp. 9. Definition of, Jpp. 13. Lutholf, his aceount of the antiquity and purity of
the church of Habaffinia cited, 23, ?ioie,
M.
Mansfield, Lord, the fubftance of his fpeech in the cafe of Somerfet and Knowles, Jpp. 65. Remarks ■on it, Jppi^^* Sse King's Bench Court.
Maryland,
[ 104 ]
Maryland, account of the cruel treatment of the fie-» groes and convidl flaves there, ^pp. 42,
Mafon and Jones, App. 80.
Mauritania, how firlt peopled. Jpp. 49.
Mercator, the pleas in behalf of flavery by the writer under this title, refuted, 47.
Monthly Review, conliderations on negroe llavery extra rted from, 3.
Morgan, Mr. extract from his Plan for the -abolition of ilavery in the Weft Indies, App. 62.
Mofaic law, how far, and on what account, flavery was tolerated under it, 3. The benevolent treat- ment of ftrangers ftrongly inculcated by, 6. Will not juftify flavery under the Chriftian difpenfa- tion, 41. Is fuperfeded by it, 46. Not ftric^Hy confiftent with the law of nature, as -afferted by Mr. Thompfon, App. 19, Inftances of contrariety, Jpp. 21,
N.
Negroes, the enflaving of, not to be juftified from the Mofaic law, 8. Are branded by their mafters. with hot irons, 1 5 , 7icie» Are equally intitled to the promifes of God in the Gofpel, with the reft of mankind, 19. Received the Chriftian faith before the Europeans, 2.1 . Dr. Beattie'-s. defeoce ; of, againft the infinuations of Mr. Hume, 2^^ note. Their murder compounded for by mone}' in Bar- badoes, 33. One advertifed for in London> ^d defcribed by a brafs collar like a dog, 35. Are' not treated according to the Chriftian law of doing as we would be done by, 43. Are treated like cattle, 4^. Not defc ended from Canaan, 47, 48. aifo App. 12. Rewards offered by our Colony . laws for killing them when they ron 2iWB.Yi 50/ Their different treatment in England and America inconftftent with leafon, law, and religJen, Jpp.
[ 105 ]
7- Ought to be emancipated, v^pj7. 1 2. Exami- nation into the moft prudent means of emancipa- tion, App. i6. Their cruel treatment in Maryland, App. 42. Queries refpeding the defcent of them, App, 44. Reply to, App, 47. Regulations adopted by the Spaniards for the enfranchifement of, App. ^4. A Propofal for the gradual enfran- chifement of the Britifh American llaves, App, ^7. May thus be converted into free peafants, App, 60. Natural tendency of our retaining them in llavery, App. 62. Remarks on the judgement of the Court of King's Bench in the cafe of Somerfet, App. 72. Neighbours, all mankind ihtitled to be efteemed foj under the Chriftian difpenfation, 40.
o.
Onefimus, In what fenfe he was recommended back to his former mail^er Philemon by St. Paul, App, 31. Was t- en a minifter of the Gofpel, App. 34, note. Became biiliopcf Ephefus, App. 37, nots,
Otis, Mr. afferts the univerfality of liberty, App» 9,
p.
Paleftine, the feven nations of, the only J^ranger: whom the Jews were permitted to hold in abfolate llavery, 8.
Paul, St. his Exhortation to Slaves to continue in the State in which tliey were called, affords no Argu- ment for llavery, App. 6. Is vindicated from Mr. Thompfon's charge of juftifying llavery,
App. 31. Philemon. St. Paul's Epiflle to him confidered, App^ 31 — 38. See Onefimus.
o Planters,
i io6 ]■
planter^, American, their picas for flavery invali- dated, 59.
Prerogative Court, report of a Determination in that Court before Dr. Hay againfl: Slavery, in the Cafe of Cay and Crichtc7i, -App. 75. 77.
Propofal by the Author for tlie gradual enfranchife- ment of negroe flaves in America, Jpp, 57.
R.
Reports of Determinations in the feveral Courts of
Law againil Slavery, viz King's Bencli, Jpp* 65.
Admiralty Court, ditto- 79. Prerogative Court,
ditto 77. Retribution, Law of, referred to, App. 30. Rogers, alias Rigges, againft Jones, report of the
cafe of, in the high court of Admiralty, Jpp,
79-
s.
Saracens, query relating to their defcent, App. 50,
note. Servants, fugitive, how treated in the Britifh Colo- nies, ^o, 51. Comparifon between their cafe and
that of negroe (laves, 52, note. Sharp, Abp. his warning to England by the example
of God*s Judgements againft the Africans, 44, nets. Shenftone, Mr. his elegy o\\ the miferable ftate of an
African Have, App. 39. Slavery, is not to be jufiificd by any of the Levi-
tical laws ui;der the Chriftian dlfpenfation, 41.
Confiderations on, from the Monthly Review,
Jpp. 3. No pofitive law in favour of, either in
England or America, App. 8. SiaveF, who might legally be made fo by the If-
raelites, 3. Are branded with hot irons in the
Britifh
[ I07 ]
Britiih plantations, i^,note. The killing of them compounded for by a6t of afiembly at Barbadoes, 33. One advertifed for and defcribed by a brafs collar like a dog. 35. The holders of, cannot be real chriiiians, 38. How treated on running avvaj^, by our American laws, 50. Examination into the moll prudent means of emancipating, Jpp. 16.
Somerfet andKnowh's, Cafe of, fee King's Bench.
Spaniards, regulations adopted by, for the gradual enfranchifement of negroes, Jpp. 54.
Strangers, benevolence toward, Itrongly enjoined by tlie Mofalc law, 6. 41. The parable of the good Samaritan teaches Cliriliians to conlider ail men >as neighbours, Jpp. 24.
T.
Theophylad:, Abp. liis plea for ilavery on the air* thority of St. Paul, refuted, Jpp. 32, fiote.
Thompfon, Rev. Mr. examination of his defence of the negroe Have trade, Jpp. 18.
w.
Wages, always due for labour, 59. Are decreed by the high court of Admiralty to a negroe flave, Jpp, 83.
FINIS.
By the fame Author.
Printed for B.White, at Horace's Head, in Fleet- Street
I. A Short Treatlfe on the Englifli Tongue. Being jt\ an Attempt to render the Reading and Pronunciation of the fame more eafy to Fo- reigners. 1767.
II. Remarks on feveral very important Prophecies, ill Edition 1768. 2d Edition 1775.
III. A Reprefentation of the Injuftice and danger6us Tendency of Tolerating Slavery; or of admitting the leaft Claim of Private Property in the Perfons of Men in England. Being in Anfwer to an Opi- nion given in the Year 1729, by the (then) Attor- ney General and Solicitor General concerning the Cafe of Slaves in Great Britain. 1769.
IV. Remarks concerning the Encroachments on the River Thames near Durham Yard. 1771.
y. An Appendix to the Reprefentation of the Injufllce and dangerous Tendency of Tolerating Slu'very, 8ic^ 1772.
VI. Remarks on the Opinions of fome of the mod celebrated Writers on Crown Law, refpedling the due Diftindion between Manjlaughter and Mur^ der, 1773.
VII. In Two Parts, i. A Declaration of the Peoples Natural Right to a Share in the Legiflature ; which is the fundamental Principle of the Britijh Conjlitu- tion of State. 2. A Declaration, or Defence of the fame Do^rine, when applied particularly to THE ?E0PLE OF Ireland, 1774.
The followkg Tracts hy the fame Author,
Printed for B. \Vhit.£, at. Horace's Head, Fleet- Street, and E. and C. Dilly in the Poultry.
Vin. 'The La^jo ofpaJ]l--ue Ohediejice-, or, Chriftian Sub-